Myanmar junta steps up use of banned cluster bombs

The US and Myanmar have not signed an international convention banning the weapons that often kill civilians.

Myanmar’s junta is using internationally-banned cluster bombs to attack rebel forces in ethnic areas of the country, said residents, officials from armed ethnic groups and an international campaign working to eradicate the weapons.

Cluster bombs, which can be fired from cannons or dropped from airplanes, explode in mid-air, releasing dozens or hundreds of smaller bombs that scatter and explode, often killing or maiming civilians.

Neither Myanmar nor the United States are among the 123 signatories to the 2008 Convention on Cluster Munitions, an international treaty outlawing the use of such weapons. 

“Myanmar’s production and use of cluster bombs is gravely concerning as these indiscriminate weapons primarily kill and injure civilians. There can be no justification for using them,” said Yeshua Moser-Puangsuwan, a researcher with the Cluster Munition Monitor, the research and monitoring wing of the International Campaign to Ban Landmines-Cluster Munition Coalition based in Geneva, Switzerland.

“All governments should condemn this use of an internationally-banned weapon,” he said.

In a report issued on Aug. 31, the Cluster Munition Coalition said the ruling junta has used domestically-produced cluster bombs in attacks in several parts of the country since 2021, including as recently as early this June.

For example, the junta used cluster munitions in attacks near the villages of Kon Tha, Nam Mae Kon, and Warisuplia, in Demoso township of Kayah state from Feb. 17 to Mar. 7, the CMC’s report said.

The CMC also cited evidence that the Myanmar military used cluster bombs during an Apr. 16 airstrike on Pan Pa village in Chin state’s Mindat township, which killed three people, including a child, and injured seven others.   

Denial

Thein Tun Oo, executive director of the pro-military Thayninga Institute for Strategic Studies, denied that the military was using cluster bombs.

“As far as we understand, as far as we have studied so far, we have never heard of the military using cluster bombs,” he said. 

“Has the other side got any evidence?” he asked. “For example, the details of where and how a cluster bomb was dropped, [and] what the ground situation was like when it was dropped. They need these details to accuse.”

The Myanmar military displays its weaponry during a parade commemorating the country’s 78th Armed Forces Day in Myanmar's capital Naypyitaw, March 27, 2023. Credit: Aung Shine Oo/AP
The Myanmar military displays its weaponry during a parade commemorating the country’s 78th Armed Forces Day in Myanmar’s capital Naypyitaw, March 27, 2023. Credit: Aung Shine Oo/AP

Radio Free Asia could not reach junta spokesman Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun for comment. 

Former military Capt. Kaung Thu Win, who joined the anti-regime civil disobedience movement, said unexploded submunitions from cluster bombs can detonate later from a mere touch of the hand and are a danger to children and rural residents. 

“They will remain unexploded in forests, ditches and forest valleys,” he said. “They are hidden for a while and explode only when children are playing near them or civilians go into the forests.”

Spreading horror

Salai Htet Ni, spokesman of the Chin National Front, said the junta has been dropping cluster bombs in western Myanmar’s Chin state, including on Mount Victoria, where the ethnic Chin nationalist political organization is based, for a long time.

When junta dropped bombs onto the group’s headquarters from a plane, the explosions sent out submunitions that exploded again and again in a 61-meter (200-foot) radius, he said.

“And if they strike a forest, all nearby trees and plants are [destroyed], and they won’t regrow,” he said.

An official from the Karenni National Defense Force’s information department said he has seen junta forces use cluster bombs to attack civilian communities in Kayah state, burning down homes in villages and wiping out entire neighborhoods.

“The junta usually uses these highly explosive cluster bombs when attacking nonmilitary targets [and] civilian areas or places where war refugees shelter,” he said. “In 2023, the military started to frequently use 500-pound bombs, missiles and cluster bombs.”

The junta’s use of these weapons against civilian targets is a violation of international law and a crime against humanity, said Banyar Khun Aung, executive director of the Karenni Human Rights Group. 

“The intention behind these cluster bombs … is to deliberately kill and destroy a large number of the civilian population, causing mass casualties and forcing them to flee to other locations,” he said. “That is evidently a horrible human rights violation.”

RFA News

Dozens of political prisoners join hunger strike in Monywa

The striking inmates’ demands included the return of confiscated personal items, removal of existing restrictions on receiving care packages, and adequate medical care

Wai Moe Naing, leader of the Monywa People’s Strike Committee, is among the political prisoners participating in a mass hunger strike at Sagaing Region’s Monywa Prison since last week, sources familiar with conditions at the prison said. 

The strike was a response to the harsh restrictions prison authorities had imposed on inmates, including limitations on the receipt of care packages and stricter enforcement of contraband rules. 

A “special search force”—including junta police, members of the military, fire department staff, and administrators—had come to the prison in the Sagaing Region capital and confiscated inmates’ books, clothing, and other personal items on September 8. 

The following day, 14 political prisoners initiated a hunger strike, demanding the return of the inmates’ personal items, the removal of existing limitations on receiving care packages, and adequate medical care for Monywa Prison inmates. 

The prison authorities ignored these demands, prompting more political prisoners including Wai Moe Naing to join the strike, according to two sources who spoke with Myanmar Now. 

Around 50 political prisoners in total are now participating in the strike, the sources said. 

Prominent Monywa-based protest leader Wai Moe Naing is serving a sentence of nearly 50 years on several charges–including sedition, unlawful assembly, abduction with intent to murder, murder, and treason–after participating in the city’s protests following the February 2021 coup. He was arrested after being hit by a vehicle driven by regime forces during a protest, and has been in detention since April 2021. 

According to Shin Thant, a member of the Monywa People’s Strike Steering Committee, authorities have placed Wai Moe Naing in solitary confinement, while three other hunger strike participants have fainted from hypoglycaemia and anaemia. 

“The authorities refused to provide medical care for the three prisoners that fainted,” Shin Thant said. “The prison still hasn’t agreed to the conditions set by the prisoners.”

The Political Prisoners Network (PPN), a prisoners’ rights monitoring group, reported on September 12 that prison authorities said the striking inmates had not received treatment because it was against the law to go on strike in prison.

Thaik Tun Oo, a spokesperson for the PPN, said that in addition to the prisoners participating in the hunger strike, others held at Monywa Prison were refusing the prison’s food and subsisting only on what they received from their families.

“I have been told that they will continue the strike until the authorities meet their conditions,” he added.

Political prisoners’ families have said that oppression and mistreatment in prisons throughout the country became even worse after Myo Swe, an official in the junta’s defence ministry, was appointeddirector-general of the home affairs ministry’s Prison Department.

The military is not allowing in-person visits at most prisons, citing the risk from the COVID-19 pandemic as justification. The military has also refused to grant access to prisons to the International Committee of the Red Cross.

The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners reported that the regime was still holding at least 19,458 political prisoners throughout Myanmar as of September 12 of this year.

Myanmar Now News

International humanitarian group sacks 80 Myanmar employees amid pay dispute

The Lutheran World Federation (LWF), an organisation directing humanitarian aid projects in Myanmar, terminated scores of staff striking over compensation at its office in Sittwe, Rakhine State on September 4. 

Employees residing in the Rakhine State capital had requested that the Geneva-based international non-governmental organisation calculate their pay using the real market value of the kyat. 

However, the organisation instead opted to base its calculations on the overvalued kyat-to-euro exchange rate set by the military regime-controlled Central Bank of Myanmar (CBM), resulting in significantly lower real compensation for its workers inside the country.  

As of September 8, the market exchange rate stood at 3,715 kyat to the euro, in contrast to the CBM-set exchange rate of 2,250 kyat to the euro.

“The value of the Burmese currency has fallen too much. Commodity prices have risen sharply. In Sittwe, after Cyclone Mocha hit, prices went up exponentially,” a terminated LWF employee said.

According to the employee, the organisation’s staff held a silent protest at the Sittwe office from August 14 to 18 after the LWF refused the request to reevaluate their compensation. 

LWF Sittwe staff’s letter regarding their silent strike on September 7 (Facebook)

Of just over 90 personnel working at the organisation’s branch office in Sittwe, 80 extended the strike for another two weeks after their initial demand was declined, the employee added. They then heard from the head of LWF operations in Myanmar via e-mail that the striking workers would be terminated. 

“I feel it’s unfair that they have used their power to dismiss us from the organisation without addressing our demands compassionately,” another of the dismissed workers said. 

The terminated employees included 43 men and 37 women, of whom four were mothers of newborns and another four were pregnant.

As of 12pm on September 11, LWF had not issued any public statements regarding the termination of its employees. Myanmar Now tried to contact the LWF office in Yangon by telephone and e-mail but received no response. 

LWF has been operating in Myanmar since the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis in 2008 and is currently in charge of aid projects in Rakhine and Karen states.

Myanmar Now News

Myanmar’s political detainees face unprecedented restrictions after military officer takes over prison department

Violations of basic rights in prisons nationwide are on the rise since an army officer was named by the junta as director-general of the country’s Prison Department two months ago, Myanmar Now has learned. 

On July 12, Myo Swe, who is believed to have served at or above the rank of colonel, was appointed on a probationary basis to the department’s top position, which operates under the home affairs ministry. Some 20 other officers, all ranked as captains, were also assigned to positions at the lower, supervisory level at that time. 

Myanmar Now recently spoke to several relatives of political prisoners currently being held in Insein Prison in Yangon; Myingyan and Obo in Mandalay; Bago, Thayawaddy and Taungoo in Bago; Dawei in Tanintharyi; Thayet in Magway; and Monywa in Sagaing Region. The sources said that under Myo Swe’s leadership, new restrictions on inmates had been introduced, particularly concerning food and communications. 

A woman providing for two family members in junta prisons explained that in order to bring necessary supplies to her incarcerated relatives, she is now required to show original household registration forms and identification cards. 

“We used to only need copies of those documents, but we need the originals now. It only started this year,” she said. 

While she once had been allowed to bring an unlimited amount of fruit to the prisoners, starting on September 6, only one kind of fruit was permitted to be delivered, she noted. Instant noodle pack allowances have also been reduced from 10 to five, as well as instant coffee, from 30 to 15 packs. 

Prisoners are also no longer allowed to send letters outside, the woman said. 

“I heard that he wrote a letter before he received his sentencing but we still haven’t gotten to read it,” she told Myanmar Now of one of her detained relatives. 

An officer with the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) confirmed that “for around two months now” prisoners have not been permitted to send written communications to their family members. 

“Prisoners used to be able to write letters to their families outside with the permission of the prison superintendent,” the officer said. “They’re torturing not just the political prisoners but also their family members. Just think about how they would feel not being able to see their loved ones for a long time all the while not knowing what’s happening to them. There are no words to describe their pain and worry.” 

The officer added that this restriction is unprecedented, even under previous repressive military regimes headed by generals Ne Win and Than Shwe. 

A Hla Lay Thuzar, a journalist who was released from Insein Prison in January after serving 16 months, explained that food packages from family members were necessary for her survival during her incarceration. She recalled how prison meals rotated between two eggs or chicken once a week, and fish or a sour soup each twice a week.

“The eggs were sub-standard and many people couldn’t even eat the fish curries. The chicken curries also contained feathers,” she said. “The food provided by the prison is so bad that nobody could actually eat it. The prisoners can’t also tell their families what they need for food as they’re not allowed to meet them in person. They have to eat whatever their families send. Even so, many of the care packages didn’t arrive and they had to starve.” 

Myanmar Now’s conversations with relatives of inmates in prisons in Bago and Mandalay confirmed that food parcels were being restricted there, as well. 

In Myingyan Prison, prisoners are only allowed to receive a maximum of 800g of three types of fried dishes in parcels from their families, according to the mother of one of one political detainee. 

She used to send her son 3-4 kg of fried peanuts and dried beef during each visit, but noted that it was “not possible anymore” and that she would not be able to make more frequent trips due to the time and expense involved. 

“I’m from Mandalay, so I can’t go to the prison every two weeks,” she said, referring to the more than 100 km distance between the locations, a journey that costs 30,000 to 50,000 kyat (US$14-24) each time. 

Myanmar Now previously reported how authorities in Myingyan Prison had been accused of beating inmates and putting them in solitary confinement for allegedly hiding and using mobile phones. More than 800 political detainees are incarcerated at the site, including Dr Myint Naing, the ousted chief minister of Sagaing Region. 

A 40-year-old political prisoner recently released from Bago Prison said that inmates were restricted to receiving two fried dishes, seven packs of coffee mix sachets, three uniforms, four blankets—since no mattress was provided—and a bucket to serve as their toilet. 

“They used to have no limits on these things in the past but everything changed after they started searching prisoners for mobile phones in late August,” he told Myanmar Now. 

The aforementioned AAPP officer commented that it was not a coincidence that the military council had imposed new restrictions on prisons nationwide.

“They’re doing it on purpose. They’re appointing military officers as prison authorities in order to oppress [the prisoners] further. It’s a very clear tactic,” he said.

As of early September, there were more than 24,000 political detainees in prisons across Myanmar, according to AAPP. 

Myanmar Now News

Human Rights Situation weekly update (September 1 to 7, 2023)

Human Rights Violations took place in States and Regions from Sep 1 to 7, 2023

Military Junta Troop arrested over 70 local civilians and used them as human shields in Sagaing Region and Mandalay Region from September 1st and 7th. 11 women who were holding Sagaing NRC number from South Okkalapa Township were arrested and beaten by the Military Junta on September 3rd. A woman from the Sagaing Region and a man from the Ayeyarwady region died due to beating and torture during the interrogationby the Military’s . Thayarwaddy Prison and Dike-U Prison, restriction of the sending of food and necessity needs of prisoners.

The Department of Electricity distributed the warning letters that the meter boxes will be taken when the civilians do not pay the bill in Yangon Region and Mandalay Region. 14 civilians died and 13 were injured by the Military Junta heavy and light artillery attacks within a week. They raided the villages, attacked and burnt the houses, as a sequence the civilians left their places 8 times.

Military kills civilian in poor health at Sagaing Region checkpoint

Junta soldiers fatally shot a man at a checkpoint in Shwebo, central Sagaing Region on Monday as he was returning from a trip to Mandalay for medical treatment, local sources said. 

The victim was Paw Tun, 60, a resident of the village of Pin Hla in Kawlin Township. He was suffering from lung disease and had gone to Mandalay to receive care. 

The soldiers started firing their weapons at a motorcyclist who was trying to flee the checkpoint on the south side of Shwebo, and a stray round hit the parked car in which Paw Tun was sitting in a passenger seat. 

“He died on the spot.  A bullet hit him in the head, on the right side. Soldiers had failed to stop the motorcycle at the previous two checkpoints, so they fired when it reached the third one, but the bullet ended up hitting the car instead,” said a local man who had helped move the victim’s body. 

The car’s driver was also injured by broken glass. 

All travellers passing through military checkpoints are required to get out of their vehicles one by one and present their National Registration Cards to soldiers for examination. However, Paw Tun had remained in the car due to his ill health.

Paw Tun’s body was taken to the mortuary in Shwebo by junta troops. The next day, a woman who had been with the victim went back to Kawlin Township with his body.

According to a spokesperson for the Shwebo Township People’s Defense Team (PDT), the fleeing motorcyclist escaped without injury. 

The military will not admit any fault for shooting in an area with crowds of civilians nearby, the PDT spokesperson said. 

“The terrorist military council’s action is totally unacceptable. They will not take any responsibility. They shot and killed him for no reason  on a main street where innocent civilians were traveling in and out of town,” he said. 

After seizing power in the 2021 coup, the military set up checkpoints on highways and roads throughout Myanmar. Motorcyclists are not allowed to ride through these checkpoints, but are instead required to dismount and push the vehicles through before proceeding.

According to a rule enforced by the military council in Sagaing Region, men are not permitted to ride on a motorcycle two at a time, although a woman may ride on a motorcycle while a man is driving. However, in this instance there was reportedly only one rider on the motorcycle, and he was therefore not in violation of the rule.

The day after Paw Tun was killed, the bodies of two local people were found in the village of Bone Bweit just five miles south of Shwebo on the Shwebo-Mandalay road, shortly after a military column left the area. 

In its military campaigns against Myanmar’s armed resistance after the 2021 coup, the regime has frequently targeted civilians. As of August 2023, a total of 4,043 people had been killed in Myanmar since the coup, according to data collected by the human rights monitoring group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.

Myanmar Now News