ND Burma
ND-Burma formed in 2004 in order to provide a way for Burma human rights organizations to collaborate on the human rights documentation process. The 13 ND-Burma member organizations seek to collectively use the truth of what communities in Burma have endured to advocate for justice for victims. ND-Burma trains local organizations in human rights documentation; coordinates members’ input into a common database using Martus, a secure open-source software; and engages in joint-advocacy campaigns.
Recent Posts
- Successfully Conducted a Workshop on Nepal’s Transitional Justice (TJ) with Experts from Nepal.
- East Timor war crimes case against Min Aung Hlaing reaches next stage
- War Crimes Case Against Myanmar Dictator Moves Forward in Timor-Leste
- Open letter from Myanmar, regional and international civil society organizations to ASEAN to End Myanmar Military’s Violence, Advance Accountability and Operationalize Cross-border Humanitarian Aid
- Press Release – Rights-Based Reform: ASEAN Five Years on from the 5-Point Consensus
Successfully Conducted a Workshop on Nepal’s Transitional Justice (TJ) with Experts from Nepal.
/in NewsThe Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma (ND-Burma) Successfully Conducted a Workshop on Nepal’s Transitional Justice (TJ) with Experts from Nepal.
ND-Burma organized the workshop on 4–5 May 2026. During the workshop, Dr. Mandira Sharma, founder of Advocacy Forum-Nepal and currently Director for Asia and the Pacific at the International Commission of Jurists, and Bikash Basnet, Executive Director of Advocacy Forum-Nepal, led discussions on Nepal’s transitional justice (TJ) experience.
The workshop highlighted that Nepal’s 1996–2006 conflict formally ended with the 2006 Comprehensive Peace Accord, which introduced transitional justice mechanisms. The law establishing the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the Commission on Enforced Disappearances, and the Special Court was enacted in 2014 and later amended in 2024. Although two commissions have been established, justice for victims remains limited, and civil society organizations continue to advocate for credible, victim-centred processes.
Both experts shared lessons from post-conflict Nepal, including how lawyers, human rights defenders, and civil society organizations initiated and advanced transitional justice efforts, pursued justice for victims through strategic advocacy and litigation, and challenged impunity for perpetrators. They also discussed the current status and ongoing challenges of Nepal’s TJ process.
Workshop participants also had the opportunity to review the National Unity Consultative Council’s (NUCC) transitional justice policy and discuss its strengths, weaknesses, and areas requiring further development.
In Burma/Myanmar, civil war has persisted since independence in 1948, accompanied by widespread human rights violations and decades of military impunity. Following the 2021 attempted military coup, the Spring Revolution gave rise to both peaceful and armed resistance and to the emergence of new political actors such as the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, the National Unity Consultative Council and the National Unity Government.
Efforts are underway to establish a federal democratic system and to develop transitional justice approaches suited to the country’s context. In this regard, learning from the transitional justice experiences of other countries is crucial for Burma/Myanmar in developing effective TJ policies and implementation strategies aligned with local realities.
East Timor war crimes case against Min Aung Hlaing reaches next stage
/in NewsMay 4, 2026
A criminal file against Min Aung Hlaing has been formally submitted to the Court of First Instance in Timor-Leste for judicial review, accusing the Myanmar dictator of war crimes and crimes against humanity, according to the Chin Human Rights Organization (CHRO) on Monday.
The criminal complaint was filed in January with the Public Prosecutor’s Office in Dili by the CHRO’s director Salai Za Uk, calling for a formal investigation and backed by evidence of gang rape of a pregnant woman, mass killings including the murder of a journalist and a 13-year-old boy, targeted attacks on Christian leaders, and indiscriminate airstrikes on a hospital that killed medical staff and patients.
The case is being brought under the principle of universal jurisdiction, which allows Timor-Leste to investigate and prosecute serious international crimes regardless of where they took place or the nationality of the victims and perpetrators.
Another criminal complaint was submitted to the prosecutor’s office in Jakarta, Indonesia in April by a Rohingya survivor and several prominent Indonesian over the alleged genocide case against Rohingya community in Rakhine State.
An Argentine court, meanwhile, issued an international arrest warrant for the coup leader-turned-president in 2025 for genocide against the Rohingya.
Photo: Thantlang town burns after a junta attack in Chin State in 2022. / CDF-Thantlang
Irrawaddy News
War Crimes Case Against Myanmar Dictator Moves Forward in Timor-Leste
/in Member statementsPress Release for Immediate Publication
Dili, 4 May 2026: A criminal file accusing Myanmar dictator, Min Aung Hlaing, of war crimes and crimes against humanity has been formally submitted to the Court of First Instance in Dili for judicial review, following the opening of proceedings in February. This is the next phase in the case initiated in January by the Director of the Chin Human Rights Organisation, Salai Za Uk. He alleges that Min Aung Hlaing has command and control responsibility for a series of atrocity crimes in Myanmar’s north western Chin State.
These include the gang rape of a seven-month-pregnant woman in front of her husband, the massacre of ten people including a journalist and a 13-year-old boy, who was among eight people who had their hands tied behind their backs and their throats slit, the deliberate killing of a Christian Pastor and three Deacons, a disproportionate and indiscriminate aerial attack on a hospital which killed four medical staff and four patients, and a series of attacks on Christian churches, civilian infrastructure protected under international law.
“I urge the Timorese authorities to take the simple step of opening an investigation against war criminal, Min Aung Hlaing, who is already under investigation by the International Criminal Court in the Hague”, said Salai Za Uk. “The Chin People, against whom the junta is committing gross human rights violations on an industrial scale look for support to the people of Timor-Leste who have a shared history of atrocity crimes such as rape, massacres and indiscriminate attacks on civilians”.
Jose Teixeira, the lead lawyers in the case, from the Timorese law firm Da Silva Teixeira & Associados, said “there is a legal obligation to open an investigation and we believe the court will make this determination. To be clear, such an investigation will place little pressure on the judiciary system in Timor-Leste given that organisations such as the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar, the IIMM in Geneva, have been investigating Min Aung Hlaing and stand ready to support these proceedings as they move forward”.
According to Chris Gunness, Director of the Myanmar Accountability Project, “this case lays bare the absurdity of the situation in Myanmar. Despot Min Aung Hlaing is attempting to fool the world that he is the rightful leader of Myanmar, following sham elections which he fixed, and is asking governments to normalize relations with his illegitimate junta. The reality”, said Gunness “is that Min Aung Hlaing is a wanted war criminal. Cases against him are piling up in multiple jurisdictions around the world such as Argentina, Turkey, the Philippines and Timor-Leste. There are also cases against him in the world’s two international courts in the Hague: the ICC and the International Court of Justice (ICJ), where Myanmar, under his leadership, stands accused of violating the Genocide Convention for its actions against the Rohingya People”.
“Adding to all these cases, earlier this month, in an unprecedented move, the Indonesian authorities formally accepted a criminal file under the country’s new penal code, in which a Rohingya genocide survivor, Yasmin Ullah, and ten leading Indonesian public figures, accused Min Aung Hlaing, of genocide. This dictator should be in prison, not the presidential palace”, Gunness concluded.
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For further information and interview requests in Tetum, Bahasa Indonesia, Chin, Portuguese or English, please contact:
Jose Teixeira/Manuel Sa Martins/Sahe da Silva on +670 77287080 or jose.teixeira@dasilva.tl
Salai Za Uk on +91 8798837474 (only on Signal) or zauk@chinhumanrights.org
Chris Gunness on +44 7587 698990 or cgunness@outlook.com
Open letter from Myanmar, regional and international civil society organizations to ASEAN to End Myanmar Military’s Violence, Advance Accountability and Operationalize Cross-border Humanitarian Aid
/in Member statements, Press Releases and StatementsTo: ASEAN Leaders
H.E. Sultan Haji Hassanal Bolkiah Mu’izzaddin Waddaulah, Prime Minister of Brunei Darussalam
H.E. Hun Manet, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Cambodia
H.E. Prabowo Subianto Djojohadikusumo, President of the Republic of Indonesia
H.E. Sonexay Siphandone, Prime Minister of the Lao People’s Democratic Republic
H.E. Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, Prime Minister of Malaysia
H.E. Ferdinand Romualdez Marcos, Jr., President of the Republic of the Philippines
H.E. Lawrence Wong, Prime Minister of the Republic of Singapore
H.E. Anutin Charnvirakul, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Thailand
H.E. José Manuel Ramos-Horta, President of Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste
H.E. Le Minh Hung, Prime Minister of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam
CC: H.E. Duwa Lashi La, Acting President of Myanmar
24 April 2026
Subject: Open letter from Myanmar, regional and international civil society organizations to ASEAN to End Myanmar Military’s Violence, Advance Accountability and Operationalize Cross-border Humanitarian Aid
Excellencies,
We, the undersigned 201 Myanmar, regional, and international civil society organizations (CSOs), submit the following recommendations to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to address the Myanmar military-created polycrisis and to support the diverse people of Myanmar in achieving a peaceful and sustainable future grounded in federal democracy, human rights and accountability.
The following concrete actions have become increasingly urgent, as March 2026 became the deadliest month for civilians in Myanmar since the illegal coup attempt began in February 2021. In March 2026 alone, junta violence killed 518 civilians and non-combatants.
ASEAN must formally state that it considers null and void the junta’s immensely violent and exclusionary sham electoral process. An estimated 10.5 million voters were excluded, while another 11 million boycotted the polls. The votes cast amounted to only half of the votes in the 2020 elections, which the military sought to overturn. ASEAN must reject the legitimacy of the military-led façade government, the “parliament,” and the representatives emerging from it. In addition, ASEAN must bar junta representatives from attending all ASEAN meetings. It is not a coincidence that March 2026, the month the junta’s “parliament” convened, was the deadliest month in more than 5 years.
Urgent action is required to address the intensifying humanitarian crisis caused by the junta’s violence and its denial of humanitarian access to affected populations, which are concerns raised by the UN Human Rights Council. More than 3.7 million people are internally displaced, while acute food insecurity remains at catastrophic levels, affecting an estimated 12 million people in 2026. Since 2022, approximately 1,853 healthcare facilities have been attacked, exacerbating the humanitarian crisis. Cooperation with the junta and its agencies has only served to worsen this crisis in regional human security. We call on ASEAN to:
Aerial and other attacks on civilian targets have continued unceasingly. Since the February 2021 coup attempt, there were 65,978 armed clashes and attacks against civilians, which killed 17,871 civilians in 328 townships out of 330 townships in Myanmar.[1] The junta has carried out 9,794 aerial bombardments, including 7,330 airstrikes, 1,305 drone strikes, 820 paramotor attacks, and 339 gyrocopter assaults. These have resulted in 4,853 documented deaths and the destruction of over 1,200 civilian structures, including schools and religious sites, and countless homes.[2] If ASEAN is serious about reducing conflict, it needs to:
ASEAN Member States should actively support international justice initiatives focused on Myanmar, including the exercise of universal jurisdiction in Timor-Leste and Indonesia, to address serious violations of international law and advance accountability for atrocity crimes. This is critical in halting impunity, building public trust, and halting recurrence of these crimes. ASEAN must commit to implementing the June 2025 ILO Resolution under Article 33 of the ILO Constitution to combat forced labor linked to the conflict, including forced conscription, coerced labor in military controlled areas, and labor exploitation in scam centers.
To build confidence and engagement in a genuinely inclusive and credible political process, we call on ASEAN to:
Now five years after the Myanmar military’s violent and illegal and unlawful coup attempt in 2021 and the adoption of the 5PC on 24 April 2021, ASEAN’s responses remain fundamentally inadequate to address the Myanmar crisis. Ever since Min Aung Hlaing signed the 5PC in Jakarta, the military junta has demonstrated no political will whatsoever to implement the 5PC. Instead, the junta has escalated violence with complete impunity, while exploiting diplomatic engagement to try to normalize its unlawful coup attempt and manufacture political legitimacy. Absent serious enforcement, accountability, and inclusivity, the ASEAN 5PC remains a dead letter that the Myanmar military continues to ignore as it commits ongoing atrocity crimes.
We welcome the principled stance taken by ASEAN under its previous Chair, Malaysia, in rejecting the junta’s sham electoral process and expressing concern over ongoing atrocities. These efforts mark an important step towards aligning ASEAN’s response with international human rights standards.
Now that the Philippines has assumed the 2026 ASEAN Chairmanship, we call for strengthened leadership, policy continuity, and decisive action. We urge the ASEAN Chair and Special Envoy, Ma. Theresa Lazaro, to build on this precedent by formally rejecting not only the junta’s staged elections but also the illegitimate governing structures recently established in Naypyitaw. Instead, the Philippines should focus on advancing a people-centered approach towards Myanmar that is grounded in human rights, accountability, justice, and inclusivity.
Central to this approach is the unequivocal demand for the immediate and unconditional release of all political prisoners, including State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and President U Win Myint.
Excellencies,
The situation in 2026 represents a critical inflection point that directly challenges the commitments of the ASEAN to regional peace, security, and stability, as well as its legal and moral responsibility to protect the people of Myanmar as part of its commitment to people-centric ASEAN.
Following the junta’s violent, fraudulent and exclusionary sham elections, conducted between December 2025 and January 2026, it has moved to establish parliamentary structures dominated by internationally sanctioned military individuals and loyalists. This is a deliberate strategy to institutionalize military rule under the guise of “civilian governance.”
Meanwhile, Myanmar’s human security emergencies are increasingly intersecting with regional security concerns. Junta-controlled areas have become hubs for transnational criminal activities, including human trafficking and online scam operations, posing direct threats to ASEAN citizens and undermining regional stability.
We express grave concern that ASEAN’s current approach:
Ensuring the cessation of violence, as outlined in the 5PC, including the immediate and unconditional release of all political prisoners, is not only a moral imperative but a necessary precondition for any meaningful political resolution. Without this, any claims of dialogue, reconciliation, or legitimacy remain fundamentally flawed.
As ASEAN Chair, the Philippines faces a defining moment: to stand with the people of Myanmar or to perpetuate a framework that ignores their continued suffering. If ASEAN is to remain relevant, it must move towards a genuinely people-centered approach hinged on accountability to effectively address the Myanmar crisis.
ASEAN must choose—stand with the people of Myanmar—or risk complicity in the Myanmar military’s ongoing atrocity crimes.
We call on the Philippines, as ASEAN Chair, to adopt a principled, rights-based, inclusive, and accountable approach to the Myanmar crisis in support of a federal democratic future. We stand ready to support such efforts.
For further information, please contact:
Signed by 201 civil society organizations, including 23 organizations that have chosen not to disclose their names:
Press Release – Rights-Based Reform: ASEAN Five Years on from the 5-Point Consensus
/in Press Releases and StatementsThe Network for Human Rights Documentation – Burma Releases Rights-Based Reform: ASEAN Five Years on from the 5-Point Consensus
24 April 2026
For Immediate Release
Today, the Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma (ND-Burma) releases Rights-Based Reform: ASEAN Five Years on from the 5-Point Consensus. This latest briefing paper calls attention to the lack of meaningful action by ASEAN, specifically the 5-Point Consensus (5PC), which has failed in its credibility and implementation. The people of Burma reject the 5PC and have repeatedly called for its reform. ASEAN must acknowledge the reality that the junta has never intended to adhere to the 5PC. As violence continues to wage in the country, urgent action and attention by the regional bloc is long overdue.
The 5PC is based on five key pillars: a halt to the violence, inclusive dialogue, mediation through a special envoy, and unrestricted access for humanitarian aid. Five years later, civil society organizations continue to call for a response that acknowledges the people’s aspirations, including by ensuring that the military junta is denied any position of power, authority, or legitimacy. The junta’s relentless violence and deliberate attacks on democratic forces undermine protections for vulnerable groups. It is also indicative of their refusal to adhere to calls to end the ongoing air and ground strikes.
The military junta has continued to escape accountability for its actions. The lack of international response has only encouraged the regime to violate the human rights of ordinary people, perpetuating the cycle of impunity. A new approach by ASEAN is urgently required. In this latest briefing paper, ND-Burma members reiterate the ongoing calls by civil society for ASEAN to sever all ties with the terrorist junta and provide protection and support to all those affected by the regime’s ongoing human rights violations and the weaponization of humanitarian aid. Additionally, the paper calls on ASEAN to pursue justice in Burma by holding the military accountable for perpetrating war crimes and crimes against humanity, and to prioritize justice and accountability under international law.
Moving forward, ASEAN needs to work with partners to increase pressure on the junta to end ongoing attacks on civilians. At the same time, it should expand humanitarian access through local civil society networks that support vulnerable groups. The 5PC must be reformed and not accepted as the sole tool for holding the junta accountable. Active efforts are essential to protect civilians, secure the release of political prisoners, and allow the free flow of life-saving humanitarian aid through cross-border channels to reach all areas without restrictions.
While ASEAN shares the concern of the people when it comes to stability, this cannot be achieved by a military regime that bombs its citizens and imprisons critics. True stability is only possible by supporting Burma’s pro-democracy movement, listening to their needs, and setting conditions that protect civilians while allowing real political participation.
For more information:
Name: Nai Aue Mon
Signal: +66 86 1679 741
Name: San Htoi
Signal: +66 657549336
Rights-Based Reform: ASEAN Five Years on from 5-Point Consensus
/in Briefing Papers, ND-Burma's ReportsSince the failed coup in February 2021, junta leader Min Aung Hlaing’s military has pushed Burma into a full-scale civil war. The extent of abuse is well documented. Thousands have been killed, and over 3.7 million people have been displaced.[1] Airstrikes, artillery, night raids, and arbitrary arrests have become daily realities for civilians who only seek safety and peace in their communities. The current instability of the situation has exposed vulnerabilities and a lack of resources, resulting in nearly one in three citizens estimated to require humanitarian assistance in 2026.[2]
The violence since the attempted coup in February 2021 has been increasing. Just a few months after the junta stole democracy from the people, in April 2021, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) introduced a peace plan called the Five Point Consensus (5PC) in response to the worsening human rights situation in Burma. The plan is based on five key pillars: a halt to the violence, inclusive dialogue, mediation through a special envoy, and unrestricted access for humanitarian aid. The military has long rejected the 5PC and has shown no interest in fulfilling any of its requirements or in changing its conduct in war.
Five years later, civil society organizations continue to call for a response from ASEAN that acknowledges the people’s aspirations, including by ensuring that the military junta is denied any position of power, authority, or legitimacy. The junta’s relentless violence and deliberate attacks on democratic forces undermine protections for vulnerable groups. It is also indicative of their refusal to adhere to calls to end the ongoing air and ground strikes. One significant obstacle in achieving the necessary results to tackle Burma’s multiple crises is the apparent lack of political will and commitment within ASEAN to work with pro-democracy allies and networks. Although the junta is losing its pursuit of legitimacy, international engagement with it has grown. Since 2021, ASEAN’s current and former leaders have prioritized initiating political dialogue with the junta to end the conflict, rather than engaging with representatives genuinely dedicated to a federal and democratic future for Burma. With the Philippines currently serving as the Chair of the Bloc, there are opportunities to meaningfully engage with the pro-democracy movement and lessons to be learned from the unsuccessful efforts of previous ASEAN Chairs.