Sex-based violence against women and girls in Myanmar

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Mizzima

NGO Human Rights Myanmar says Myanmar’s military systematically uses sex-based violence to subjugate women and girls, intensifying since the 2021 coup, according to a report released on 5 May.

At least 380 women have been intentionally targeted and killed, some burned alive or executed in custody, while over 500 have faced sexual violence, including rape. This deliberate strategy, rooted in patriarchy and militarisation, aims to silence dissent and erase women from public life.

The NGO’s report demands international accountability, survivor protection, and action against these potential crimes against humanity.

The following are the key points:

In Myanmar, violence against women and girls is deeply entrenched in patriarchal norms and has been exacerbated by the military coup. Since 2021, women and girls have faced extrajudicial killings, arbitrary detentions, sexual violence, and torture. These acts are not incidental but represent a deliberate strategy to reinforce male dominance, silence dissent, and instill fear.

Targeted killings of women

In addition to the hundreds of women killed by indiscriminate artillery and airstrikes against civilian areas, at least 380 women and girls have been specifically targeted and unlawfully killed by the military.[1] Of these, at least 216 were shot, including 50 who were summarily executed. The targeting of women for execution constitutes a grave violation of Article 6 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which enshrines the right to life.

At least 119 of the 380 women specifically killed were held in custody by the military at the time of their deaths, including 28 who were shot. The deprivation of liberty without due process, combined with summary executions of detainees, amounts to enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings. These acts violate the prohibition against arbitrary deprivation of life under international law and reflect a broader pattern of targeted violence against women as a means of punishment and control. The military’s systematic impunity for these killings further entrenches structural discrimination against women and girls.

Sex-based factors in killings

Among the most egregious acts of violence, at least 71 women and girls were killed by being set on fire. This method of execution is particularly significant in the context of sex-based violence. Burning is not merely a form of execution; it is an act that seeks to dehumanise and obliterate women’s identity and is often used to conceal evidence of sexual violence. The mutilation and destruction of women’s bodies serve to erase evidence of sexual crimes and further terrorise affected communities.

Similarly, at least one woman has been killed by the military through beheading, a method of execution that carries profound symbolic significance. Historically, beheading has been associated with the suppression of female agency and the enforcement of patriarchal control. It represents an attempt to silence women physically and symbolically, reinforcing the idea that those who challenge traditional power structures or assume leadership roles must be eliminated in a demonstrative manner.

Sexual violence and rape

Beyond the methods of killing, some of the 380 women and girls were subjected to sexual violence, including rape, before their deaths. Sexual violence is one of the most direct and severe forms of sex-based violence, as it specifically targets women and girls based on their sex, reducing them to instruments of subjugation and humiliation. Rape has been systematically used in Myanmar as a weapon of war, an assertion of dominance, and a means of political and ethnic persecution. Sexual violence is often used not only as an attack on individual women but as a strategic tool to break communities and enforce patriarchal hierarchies.

While the full scale of sexual violence remains difficult to determine due to the lack of independent monitoring and the military’s deliberate obstruction of accountability mechanisms, credible information indicates that at least 500 women have been subjected to sexual violence and rape.[2] At least 16 women and girls were raped while in custody before being killed.[3] The true number is likely far higher. The military’s use of detention as a space for sexual violence before execution is a pattern documented in other conflicts and constitutes torture and cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment. The systematic nature of these violations, combined with their targeting of women and girls based on sex, could amount to crimes against humanity.

Structural aggravating factors

Certain factors exacerbate the nature, likelihood, and impact of sex-based violence against women and girls. Each factor is also increased by intersectional oppression, such as based on ethnicity, socioeconomic status, age, and disability, shaping vulnerabilities to sex-based violence. In Myanmar, three major aggravating factors have intensified since the military takeover in February 2021.

Patriarchy

Deeply entrenched patriarchal norms and values permeate Myanmar’s social, political, economic, educational, cultural, and legal structures, reinforcing gender-based discrimination and worsening sex-based violence against women and girls. Women and girls experience additional layers of exclusion due to their lack of access to power and privilege, rigid sex roles, and systemic discriminatory policies and practices. Ethno-nationalists claim that women are “naturally” weaker. Their autonomy is restricted under the pretence of “protection” by families, communities, and the State. Those who challenge these limitations—through their thoughts, speech, or actions—are accused of threatening Myanmar’s “traditional values,” endorsing “Westernisation,” harbouring hostility toward men, or even suffering from mental instability. The military coup has further entrenched patriarchal control, particularly because the military itself remains an institution dominated by men, with very few women in leadership positions.

Militarisation

Myanmar’s long-standing militarisation has embedded military values, structures, and behaviour across society, governance, the economy, education, and the legal system. This has reinforced patriarchal dominance, prioritised State security over human rights, and normalised the use of force as a means of control. Militarisation increases the risks for women and girls who assert their rights. Any deviation from traditional sex-based roles or any form of expression that challenges male dominance is labelled as “undisciplined” or subversive. In extreme cases, women and girls who assert themselves are depicted as threats to public order, as agents of foreign influence, or as “traitors” to the state. Under this militarised framework, any perceived challenge to the status quo—regardless of its severity—is met with force, whether from State authorities, community actors, or even family members.

Extremism

Religious and ethno-nationalist extremism further exacerbates discrimination against women and girls by justifying their oppression under moral and ideological pretexts. Extreme elements exist within Myanmar’s religious communities, with some groups actively encouraged by the military since the 2021 coup as part of a divide-and-rule strategy aimed at fuelling communal tensions. Extremism serves as an aggravating factor because it provides an ethical and religious rationale for suppressing women’s rights. Women and girls who defy traditional sex-based roles are cast as being “against” religious values. They are portrayed as “bad” wives and mothers, “immoral” daughters and sisters, and as bringing “shame” upon their communities. By disguising sex-based oppression as religious doctrine, extremism legitimises the control, subjugation, and punishment of women and girls, further entrenching patriarchal dominance in Myanmar.

Sagaing Aftershock, Airstrikes, and a Humanitarian Collapse

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Antonio Graceffo

According to propaganda from Chinese state media and Burma’s junta-controlled outlet, The Global New Light of Myanmar, post-earthquake debris clearance is reportedly progressing rapidly, with 80% completion claimed in Mandalay and 50% in Sagaing. But the reality on the ground tells a different story: millions remain exposed to displacement, searing heat, early monsoon rains, rising disease outbreaks, and a severe lack of shelter, food, and medical care.

More than a month after the 7.7-magnitude twin earthquakes struck central Burma on March 28, the country is spiraling deeper into crisis. Over 3,800 people were killed, more than 11,000 injured, and at least 55,000 homes destroyed or damaged across multiple regions, including Sagaing, one of the hardest-hit areas. Families already displaced by four years of civil war now find themselves living in makeshift shelters, with little protection from the elements and no reliable access to health or sanitation services.

The United Nations estimates that 6.3 million people are in urgent need, and nearly 20 million, over one-third of the population, require humanitarian assistance. Yet of the $275 million requested under the UN’s earthquake response plan, just $34 million has been received, only 12 percent of the total. Relief efforts remain drastically underfunded and unable to meet the scale of need, particularly in areas like Sagaing, where the junta has severely restricted access to international aid.

Despite publicly declaring a ceasefire to facilitate relief, the military regime has instead intensified its attacks. Since the earthquake, the junta has launched at least 243 assaults—including 171 airstrikes, killing more than 200 civilians, according to the UN. These continued strikes, coupled with a blockade on international aid, have transformed a natural disaster into a man-made humanitarian collapse, placing civilians and humanitarian workers at further risk.

Aid efforts remain drastically underfunded and insufficient. Humanitarian agencies have reached just 600,000 people with clean water, 500,000 with food, and only 100,000 with emergency shelter—nowhere near enough given the scale of need. Over 450,000 people require urgent medical care, yet only 33,600 have been reached. Delayed rubble clearance has created mosquito breeding grounds, increasing the risk of malaria, dengue, and cholera in nine high-risk townships across quake-affected zones. Without immediate funding and full access, aid workers warn that thousands more lives remain in jeopardy.

While the entire country has been shaken by disaster, nowhere is the crisis more acute than in Sagaing. Even before the earthquake, the region was already among the most fragile in Burma, racked by four years of war, mass displacement, and economic collapse. Nearly 1.3 million internally displaced people were already sheltering in the region, many having fled repeated waves of violence. The local economy had cratered: over 40% of households reported income loss in 2023, and 74% were living below the minimum expenditure threshold. Food insecurity had reached crisis levels, with rice prices rising 214% since 2021 and a 19% drop in cultivated farmland due to conflict and displacement. Essential services like education and healthcare had collapsed, 56% of children were out of school, and Sagaing had the highest rate of unmet healthcare needs in the country.

The earthquake pushed this already dire situation into full collapse. Weakened infrastructure was destroyed or rendered unusable. With only 35% of the population having internet access and frequent power outages, communication, remote education, and emergency coordination remain severely limited. Women and girls face heightened risks of gender-based violence, trafficking, and social exclusion, particularly in overcrowded displacement camps.

Youth face an especially bleak future. With schools closed, jobs vanished, and communities destabilized by war, many young people are trapped in a cycle of fear and uncertainty. Some have joined the armed resistance, while others fall into dangerous informal labor. Even before the quake, over 78% of youth reported stress or anxiety driven by economic hardship and political instability. With education interrupted and trauma ongoing, an entire generation risks being left behind, under-skilled, disconnected, and psychologically scarred.

At the same time, Sagaing’s environmental crisis has worsened. Located in the heart of Burma’s Dry Zone, the region regularly faces extreme heat, with temperatures reaching a record 48°C in 2024. Deforestation and erratic rainfall have intensified riverine flooding, particularly along the Chindwin River, with some townships losing over 40% of their forest cover since 2021. Illegal gold and rare earth mining operations have poisoned rivers, degraded farmland, and accelerated displacement. The result is an ecological collapse makes Sagaing one of the most climate-stressed and conflict-afflicted regions in the country.

Since the quake, conditions on the ground have only deteriorated further. In Sagaing Township, survivors continue to sleep outdoors, as aftershocks and structural damage have rendered buildings unsafe. Meanwhile, the junta has continued its bombing campaign, now increasingly relying on paramotor aircraft, or motorized paragliders, to carry out strikes in place of aging jets. Between March 28 and April 24, Myanmar Witness documented at least 24 attacks in Sagaing, the highest number in the country.

On April 1, the Indaw Myoma Monastery in Wuntho Township was bombed, killing two civilians. On April 9, Nan Khan village tract was hit twice in a single day, reportedly killing more than 20 civilians, including children. Between April 8 and 19, a resistance fighter from Kani Township recorded 31 airstrikes, including 24 in a single day on Thingyan Ah Kya day, targeting monasteries, homes, a school, and a cowshed. On April 23, another strike on Let Hloke village in Tabayin Township killed five civilians, among them a 13-year-old girl and an 80-year-old woman. These attacks underscore that for many in Sagaing, the earthquake was not the end of the suffering, but the beginning of something even worse.

Unless the international community applies real pressure on the junta and dramatically scales up unrestricted aid, Sagaing’s survivors will continue to suffer, not only from the aftermath of the earthquake that destroyed their homes, but from the military government and the civil war that continues to crush their lives.

The junta’s ongoing bombing campaign, refusal to allow unimpeded aid, and targeting of civilians, even after declaring a ceasefire, have turned the earthquake into a man-made collapse. UN Human Rights Chief Volker Türk warned that “humanitarian aid must be able to reach those in need without impediment,” and that the military must stop “futile investment in force” and commit to “a genuine and permanent nationwide halt to hostilities.”

Burma needs more than temporary fixes. It needs the restoration of democracy and the rule of law. This earthquake could be the moment that finally draws global action. Or it could become just one more blow to a people ground into the earth by military rule, and one more failure of the international community to bring about real change.

Antonio Graceffo is an economist and China expert who has reported extensively on Burma.

Mizzima

International Humanitarian Law Cartoon Animaton

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စစ်ပွဲဆိုင်ရာ ဥပဒေများ ပြဌာန်းခြင်း

လက်နက်ကိုင်ပဋိပက္ခ (သို့) စစ်ပွဲများဖြစ်ပွားသည့်အခါ တိုက်ပွဲကြောင့် ထိခိုက်ဆုံးရှုံးမှုများကို ကန့်သတ်ရန်အတွက် ရေးဆွဲပြဌာန်းထားခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ စစ်ဖြစ်သည့်အခါ အရပ်သားပြည်သူနှင့် အရပ်ဖက်အဆောက်အဦးများအား တိုက်ခိုက်ခြင်းမပြုရန် အကာအကွယ်ပေးခြင်းနှင့် တိုင်းပြည်ရှိ စစ်တပ်နှင့် လက်နက်ကိုင်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ တာဝန်ယူ တာဝန်ခံရမည့် ကိစ္စများကိုလည်း ပြဌာန်းထား သည်။

Making sense of the International Labour Organisation’s stance on Myanmar

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Mizzima Commentary

Prior to the massive earthquake, March saw protests in Yangon and other areas of Myanmar calling for action against the Myanmar authorities under Article 33 of the Constitution of the United Nations’ labour agency, the International Labour Organisation or ILO.

The protestors were calling for sanctions against the Myanmar junta as the ILO has been debating their stance on Myanmar with a decision due to be made at the ILO Conference set for June in Geneva in Switzerland. In recent protests, demonstrators called on the ILO to implement Article 33.

Article 33 empowers the ILO to take action when a member state fails to comply with recommendations from the ILO’s Commission of Inquiry. Specifically, Article 33 states that in cases where a member does not fulfill the recommendations, the Governing Body may recommend to the International Labour Conference (ILC) measures of a punitive or corrective nature, including sanctions or other actions, to secure compliance.

Amidst the uproar against the brutal Myanmar junta, with labour unions inside and outside Myanmar attempting to get their voices heard, the “subtleties” of the ILO position appear to be drowned out as some stakeholders call for sanctions and a dramatic clampdown on the junta guilty of crimes against humanity and the infringement of codes of conduct of various labour practices, including forcibly conscripting youth into the military.

What emerges from delving into the views of stakeholders and trade unions operating inside and outside Myanmar is that there is no agreed position by Myanmar unions for any “sanction-like” measures that might lead to more Western brands pulling out of the country.

In what can be described as a “war of narratives”, it is important to draw a line between actions and investments that directly benefit the military junta, on the one hand, and the welfare of workers in Myanmar, on the other – though the line can be blurred at times.

A QUESTION OF ‘SANCTIONS’

What has to be remembered is the ILO cannot directly sanction the junta. It can only offer recommendations that various states can take action on against the junta if they see fit. In one recent report Mizzima published, a Myanmar trade union operating in exile claimed the ILO’s paper entitled “Decision concerning the follow-up to the report of the Commission of Inquiry concerning Myanmar” published on 19 March claimed that the ILO was calling for sanctions against the junta.

But the text of the interim ILO report offers a more nuanced approach.

Since seizing power in February 2021, the military junta has consistently committed violations of international labour standards, including forced conscription into the armed services, forced army portering, clampdowns on labour organizations, and provided a climate of fear – with a number of labour activists thrown in jail.

The interim ILO report – which few are likely to read through and fully understand – makes a subtle distinction between businesses and investments that directly or indirectly benefit the junta and the generals hoarding wealth, and foreign businesses operating in the business sector, such as foreign companies still involved in the garment industry. For example, the junta makes minimal income from garment factories, and it can be argued that the industry does not directly benefit the junta’s “war machine”.

WEAPONS VS WORKERS

While the ILO report stresses a call for a tough line on business or activities that directly support the military junta, through “the support or supply of military equipment or means, including jet fuel, or the free flow of funds to the military authorities,” they note there is a need to “enable continuing support for activities that benefit directly the Myanmar people and their communities and, in particular, through independent and confidential monitoring and reporting systems that provide avenues for complaints of violations to be rapidly and effectively addressed to ensure accountability where freedom of association and forced labour violations occur”.

Here we should note the subtle distinction the ILO is making between supporting weapons of war and supporting the welfare of typically poorly-paid workers, such as in the garment industry, who are desperate to hang on to their jobs, even though some may privately voice support for tough sanctions to essentially wreck the economy in pursuit of regime change.

At this point in time, the military junta’s handling of the economy has led to serious problems for workers and businesses in the country as a whole and an atmosphere where some Western companies are questioning whether they should stay engaged in Myanmar – particularly if their name might be tarnished if they are claimed to be supporting an evil junta trampling on people’s rights.

In recent exclusive reports by American journalist Antonio Graceffo for Mizzima, the dire employment situation was highlighted in Kachin State and Karenni State showing that the Myanmar crisis, sanctions and the poor economic and business environment placed many workers and their families in crisis. Little wonder, he notes, that Myanmar workers have been fleeing to try to work abroad, primarily in Thailand – a country that is proving harder to travel to for those entering legally or illegally.

The labour crisis in Myanmar raises the question of where the ILO needs to focus its attention and what to recommend to countries and foreign companies who are still engaged in the country.

It can be argued that calls on Western companies to pull out of Myanmar could lead to Asian companies – primarily Chinese and Korean – stepping in to fill the void, but providing lower pay and arguably poorer working conditions than Western-supported companies.

Some anti-junta activists appear to want to “throw the baby out with the bath water” in seeking a complete collapse of the Myanmar economy. The argument here is “better the pain now” than letting the junta continue to kill its people for years.

But such an argument appears to ignore the dire living conditions of over a third of the population, and the many struggling to make a living.

THE GARMENT GRIND

Myanmar’s garment industry has long been under the scrutiny of the ILO, trade unions and non-governmental organization concerned about poor workers’ pay and conditions. Under the earlier Thein Sein regime from 2011 to 2015, progress was made by various local and foreign stakeholders to attempt to set standards and improve the lives of workers in garment factories – many of them run by foreign companies, including Western fashion houses, and Chinese and Korean companies.

A European initiative, SMART, began as the country started opening up over a decade ago, sought to help European companies, changing its name to MADE in Myanmar in 2023 in the wake of the military coup. 

According to EuroCham, MADE In Myanmar builds on its experience to improve working conditions in the apparel sector by working with factory managers and others to strengthen workplace dialogue. The project is funded through a 3-million euro grant from the European Union and implemented by the German developmental organization Sequa in partnership with EuroCham Myanmar. The project is still in operation – post-coup – and will run till the end of 2026.

MADE in Myanmar contradicts those calling for withdrawal of all foreign investment from Myanmar. As they explain on their website: “The EU and MADE partners believe that the interests of workers in Myanmar are best served by ongoing sourcing from Myanmar, provided that this is pursued responsibly and creates decent jobs. The objective of MADE is to support the hundreds of thousands of factory workers who would be left unemployed by a major withdrawal of investment in the sector, and the family members they support.” For example, roughly 380,000 jobs across Myanmar’s apparel sector are directly reliant on EU trade and would be at acute risk if European trade and buyer engagement in the sector reduces.

EuroCham Myanmar is a partner in the MADE in Myanmar programme because it believes that MADE can support brands to undertake continuous due diligence, in addition to brands engaging with stakeholders on the ground. By working together and sharing practices, brands can apply relevant leverage on suppliers and factories to resolve issues that arise.

Speaking at the launch of MADE in Myanmar back in 2023, EuroCham Myanmar CEO Karina Ufert said: “While staying engaged in the country, brands can exercise their leverage to improve working conditions for hundreds of thousands of workers. Disengagement of the responsible brands will only lead to a further deterioration in the situation for the workers’ rights and contribute to greater unemployment.”

The recently released ILO interim report in March 2025 includes wording that seeks to bolster the ILO’s stance that continued engagement in Myanmar – despite the ongoing war and crisis – could be beneficial for workers in sectors not directly linked to the junta’s war machine.

This is particularly important for the garment industry which employs a large percentage of female workers, many of who use their pay to support their families during this difficult time of employment.

This stance of continued involvement appears to clash with some Burmese trade unions and NGOs that call for a total end to engagement with the junta, given the junta’s attacks on unions and free speech, and a range of issues concerning forced labour – including forced conscription.

REPRESSION

That said, working conditions and pay remain dire.

According to the International Trade Confederation (ITUC), workers and trade unions have faced relentless repression, making Myanmar one of the 10 worst countries in the world for workers. Since the coup, they have endured extremely harsh living and working conditions. They face escalating threats and oppression, with reports of forced labour highlighting their growing exploitation. Hundreds of union members and activists have been arrested nationwide. The junta has effectively banned most trade unions, stripping workers of their fundamental right to freedom of association.

The Confederation of Trade Unions Myanmar (CTUM), a Germany-based affiliate of the ITUC, has been a key target of these attacks. Many members have suffered persecution, imprisonment, violence, and torture. The entire CTUM leadership is under arrest warrants, and their passports and citizenship have been revoked. CTUM’s head of communication, Khine Thinzar Aye, was tortured and sexually abused during a military interrogation.

Little wonder that CTUM takes a hard uncompromising line against the junta.

Others too have suffered. According to the ITUC, the military arrested Thet Hnin Aung, general secretary of the Myanmar Industry Crafts and Services Trade Union Federation (MICS-TUsF), in June 2021. He was sentenced to two years of hard labour and a fine. After his release on 26 June 2023, authorities immediately re-arrested him. He was then abducted, tortured, and held incommunicado for five months for refusing to collaborate with the military. In November 2023, a court sentenced him to seven years of hard labour on terrorism charges – without legal representation. In December 2024, he was beaten and confined to a “dog cell” after revealing the conditions of his imprisonment during a visit by the International Committee of the Red Cross to his prison.

Given the repression, it may be understandable that some trade unions are calling on the ILO for a tough stance against the Myanmar junta. But there is also the employment and rights of workers in Myanmar who could suffer if foreign investors pull out.

IMPORTANT EMPLOYER

According to the Myanmar Garment Association (MGMA), over 800 factories operate in Myanmar, producing garments, footwear, handbags, and travel goods. Data from the Open Supply Hub, an open-source tool which maps garment facilities worldwide based on brand disclosure and inputs from others, including auditors, currently lists over 500 facilities in Myanmar, which indicates facilities which presently or previously have produced for European-North American buyers. The majority of factory production in Myanmar is for export, mainly as many facilities not on OSH nonetheless export to Northeast Asia.

According to a November 2023 EuroCham report, the European Union is now the primary destination for Myanmar-made apparel products, accounting for up to 54 per cent of Myanmar’s apparel exports in 2022.

Myanmar and foreign privately owned companies dominate the sector. Approximately two-thirds of Myanmar’s garment factories are foreign-owned, primarily Chinese (including mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan), Japanese and Korean, and some Thai and European investors. Foreign investment in the sector was on a growth trajectory when the COVID-19 pandemic hit. In the first eight months of 2020, a further 63 garment factory investments were approved, almost all foreign. On average, foreign-owned factories have more than twice as many employees as local companies and are responsible for 80 per cent of the sector’s total employment. Those supplying EU buyers generally appear to pay higher salaries and have better working conditions.

However, it should be noted that government revenue from the sector is minimal, particularly when compared to, for example, income extracted from natural resources.

Before the COVID-19 pandemic, the industry employed approximately 700,000 people and was Myanmar’s fastest-growing source of social security enrolment and decent work. The sector supported thousands more jobs in logistics, transportation, accommodation, day-care, and food services. There have been zero major industrial accidents in the Myanmar apparel industry, which resulted in mass injury or loss of life during the previous decade, a major achievement.

About 90 per cent of the employees in the garment sector are women, the majority between 18 and 23 years old. About 76 per cent of sector workers are migrants from rural Myanmar, including those affected by conflict.

An ILO study showed that before COVID, 86 per cent of the workers sent back approximately 50 per cent of their salaries to their relatives, redistributing income to families all over the country and making the sector a vital lifeline for many poorer, rural households. In terms of female employee share by function in garment firms, female employees account for more than 80 per cent of production and non-production (professional) workers and more than half of non-production (elementary) workers. About 83 per cent of garment firms employ female managers, accounting for 56 per cent of the firm’s management.

POORER STANDARDS?

There is growing anecdotal evidence that as European buyers exit from factories, factories seek to, and may succeed in, attracting new buyers from Asian markets. Myanmar has a very low minimum wage due to a failure to increase the minimum wage since 2018. This, and the Myanmar Kyat (MMK) devaluation, make Myanmar attractive for buyers focused on price, who also tend to be those paying less attention to labour rights and decent working conditions

UNDP’s September 2022 publication ‘Livelihoods Hanging by a Thread: A Survey of Garment Workers and Firms’ reported 76 per cent of respondents stating that their household incomes have gone down, rising to 85 per cent among unemployed former garment workers, for whom wages and salaries were their primary source of income. Moreover, 61 per cent of the households with unemployed former garment workers did not have a second source of income.

As the ILO prepares to release its new report on Myanmar in June of this year, it is important to keep in mind the need for responsible business benefiting workers when assessing how much the various industries might benefit the military junta.

This commentary does not necessarily represent the views of Mizzima Media.

Investigators document 80 air attack incidents since Myanmar earthquake, despite junta ceasefire

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Mizzima

One month on from the devastating earthquake in Myanmar, investigators at the Centre for Information Resilience (CIR) Myanmar Witness project have documented 80 air attack incidents across multiple regions, despite a temporary ceasefire declared by the Myanmar junta or State Administration Council (SAC) on 2 April 2025. The incidents documented include both potential airstrikes and paramotor attacks – aerial attacks involving small motorised paragliders.

The 7.7 magnitude earthquake struck Myanmar on 28 March, causing severe damage to homes and infrastructure and reportedly affecting more than two million people. Analysis carried out by Myanmar Witness at the time documented how the SAC continued its attacks in the emergency-declared areas of Myanmar following the natural disaster, with one incident reportedly occurring just minutes after the earthquake struck.

Attacks continued in the seven-day mourning period announced by the SAC between 31 March and 6 April, and following the ceasefire declaration. The Myanmar Air Force (MAF) is the only actor in the conflict with access and capacity to use aircraft capable of carrying out an airstrike.

Between 28 March and 24 April, 80 air attack incidents were logged by Myanmar Witness. Incidents range in severity and vary in terms of levels of confidence. Not all have been fully confirmed or geolocated due to a lack of open source material.

Of these, 65 events were recorded following the ceasefire declaration on 2 April. Incidents took place across 12 different states and regions, indicating the wide geographical scope of the military operations.  51 townships were impacted.

The states with the highest number of documented incidents were Sagaing (24), Mandalay (14), and Chin and Kayin (8 each).

Notably, several incidents assessed as likely airstrikes or heavy weapon attacks took place between 31 March 2025 and 1 April 2025, during the national mourning period and just hours before the SAC’s ceasefire began. These include the bombing of Indaw Myoma Monastery, Sagaing, on 1 April, and on the same day, the bombing of Loi Hkwin village in Shan State.

Three separate airstrike incidents were documented on 9 April 2025 in Sagaing Region and Chin State. These reportedly resulted in dozens of civilian casualties, including women and children, and significant infrastructure damage.

Nan Khan village tract, in Wuntho, Sagaing, was reportedly hit twice on 9 April – first at approximately 15:00 and again at around 18:00 local time. Over 20 civilians, including children, were reportedly killed, although the exact number remains unconfirmed at the time of writing. User-generated content (UGC) of the damage areas – which Myanmar Witness cross-referenced with satellite imagery – is consistent with reports of the two separate airstrikes occurring on the same day.

Robert Dolan, Myanmar Witness project director, said: “Myanmar’s population was already on its knees after years of SAC aggression and armed conflict. The layers of suffering are hard to comprehend – we’ve seen regions wrecked by war and then the earthquake, only to sustain further damage from continued airstrikes.

“The open-source data we’ve compiled – and the scale of the incidents documented – raise serious doubts about the SAC’s sincerity in declaring a ceasefire in the first place, and highlight what appears to be a complete disregard for civilian lives at a time when communities are already so vulnerable.”

An FCDO Spokesperson said: “We are appalled to see this evidence of ongoing airstrikes by the military regime during their ceasefire and at a time of national disaster.

“All attacks on civilians must stop now. Once again, we call for all actors to protect civilians in Myanmar, for unimpeded humanitarian access, and for the military regime to uphold the ASEAN Five Point Consensus, which remains critical in finding a path to peace in Myanmar.”

To carry out the analysis, Myanmar Witness gathered UGC from social media and news outlets, triangulating images and videos with satellite imagery where possible. The documented air attack incidents have been published today in an interactive, open-source map on the CIR website, though publication of the full dataset is ongoing.

Several incidents, especially from the post-ceasefire period, remain unconfirmed or categorised as low confidence due to the absence of verifiable UGC. This is partly due to an apparent rise in reporting delays, where information surfaces several days after an incident.

Since the 2021 military coup, internet access has been heavily restricted in regions such as Chin, Kayah and Sagaing, where armed clashes, potential human rights abuses, and earthquake-related displacement are ongoing. Such connectivity issues continue to hinder the availability of timely and reliable reporting from the ground. Myanmar Witness continues to monitor the situation.

Releases New Briefing Paper

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The Network for Human Rights Documentation – Burma Releases New Briefing Paper,
Beneath the Cracks: Devastation and Destruction by the Junta
in the Earthquake Aftermath

28 April 2025

One month ago, on 28 March 2025, a devastating 7.7 magnitude earthquake occurred in Burma, severely impacting the Sagaing region and Mandalay as well as neighbouring states and townships. Damage was extensive and widespread, with estimates from the United Nations that at least 2.5 million tonnes of debris needed to be removed. Despite the destruction, the military junta did not cease its attacks on innocent civilians, including survivors of the earthquake, prompting outrage and calls for international and regional actors to support vulnerable communities.

In the latest briefing paper by the Network for Human Rights Documentation – Burma (ND-Burma), titled “Beneath the Cracks: Devastation and Destruction by the Junta

in the Earthquake Aftermath,” member organizations provided data and context for the human rights violations perpetrated by the junta.

Civilians remain in distress due to the escalating shelter crisis, with survivors hesitant to return to their respective homes because of the junta’s presence. The regime’s assaults commenced within 48 hours following the natural disaster, leaving many grappling to rebuild their lives after losing their homes, possessions, and loved ones. The actions of the junta are in clear violation of international laws and humanitarian principles. In addition to targeting affected communities, relief convoys attempting to deliver life-saving assistance were also fired upon.

Several ND-Burma member organizations, including the Chin Human Rights Organization, the Pa-O Youth Organization, the Human Rights Foundation of Monland, and the Ta’ang Students and Youth Union, all documented extensive cases of attacks against civilians in the days and weeks which followed the earthquake. Amid the ongoing assaults, the junta exploited the natural disaster for their political agenda, prompting several trips to Bangkok, Thailand, to engage with ASEAN leaders in what have proven to be more futile attempts in their bid for legitimacy.

As people in Burma struggle to survive, there remain many unmet needs that are intentionally overlooked and dismissed by the junta as the regime moves to limit the scope of assistance being offered by international and regional relief groups. Their inhumane actions are only the latest in their mismanagement and corrupt rule of the country, which has continued to be embroiled in a worsening conflict and humanitarian crisis, fueled by the military’s selfishness, greed and complete disregard for innocent lives.

Furthermore, this briefing paper outlines the background of the earthquake and the situation that developed immediately afterward. Cases and data from ND-Burma members clearly indicate that the junta continues to engage in war crimes and crimes against humanity. We call for urgent action and accountability in response to the ongoing attacks in the country, which should include a global arms embargo and targeted sanctions on aviation fuel.

The people of Burma have suffered immensely since the failed coup, and during the decades prior in which the military has long sought violent control. There must be an end to the suffering of innocent communities through a coordinated response by international actors.

For more information:

Nai Aue Mon

Signal: +66 86 1679 741

San Htoi

Signal no: +66 64 9369 070


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The Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma (ND-Burma) consists of 13 organisations representing a range of ethnic nationalities, women, and former political prisoners. Since 2004, ND-Burma member organisations have been documenting human rights abuses and fighting for justice for victims. The network has nine full members and four affiliate members.