Open letter from Myanmar, regional and international civil society organizations to ASEAN to End Myanmar Military’s Violence, Advance Accountability and Operationalize Cross-border Humanitarian Aid

To: ASEAN Leaders

H.E. Sultan Haji Hassanal Bolkiah Mu’izzaddin Waddaulah, Prime Minister of Brunei Darussalam
H.E. Hun Manet, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Cambodia
H.E. Prabowo Subianto Djojohadikusumo, President of the Republic of Indonesia
H.E. Sonexay Siphandone, Prime Minister of the Lao People’s Democratic Republic
H.E. Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, Prime Minister of Malaysia
H.E. Ferdinand Romualdez Marcos, Jr., President of the Republic of the Philippines
H.E. Lawrence Wong, Prime Minister of the Republic of Singapore
H.E. Anutin Charnvirakul, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Thailand
H.E. José Manuel Ramos-Horta, President of Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste
H.E. Le Minh Hung, Prime Minister of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam

CC: H.E. Duwa Lashi La, Acting President of Myanmar

24 April 2026

Subject: Open letter from Myanmar, regional and international civil society organizations to ASEAN to End Myanmar Military’s Violence, Advance Accountability and Operationalize Cross-border Humanitarian Aid

Excellencies,

We, the undersigned 201 Myanmar, regional, and international civil society organizations (CSOs), submit the following recommendations to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to address the Myanmar military-created polycrisis and to support the diverse people of Myanmar in achieving a peaceful and sustainable future grounded in federal democracy, human rights and accountability.

The following concrete actions have become increasingly urgent, as March 2026 became the deadliest month for civilians in Myanmar since the illegal coup attempt began in February 2021. In March 2026 alone, junta violence killed 518 civilians and non-combatants.

  1. Non-Recognition of the Junta’s Illegitimate Political Structures and entities

ASEAN must formally state that it considers null and void the junta’s immensely violent and exclusionary sham electoral process. An estimated 10.5 million voters were excluded, while another 11 million boycotted the polls. The votes cast amounted to only half of the votes in the 2020 elections, which the military sought to overturn. ASEAN must reject the legitimacy of the military-led façade government, the “parliament,” and the representatives emerging from it. In addition, ASEAN must bar junta representatives from attending all ASEAN meetings. It is not a coincidence that March 2026, the month the junta’s “parliament” convened, was the deadliest month in more than 5 years.

  1. Support for Locally Led, Cross-Border Humanitarian Mechanisms

Urgent action is required to address the intensifying humanitarian crisis caused by the junta’s violence and its denial of humanitarian access to affected populations, which are concerns raised by the UN Human Rights Council. More than 3.7 million people are internally displaced, while acute food insecurity remains at catastrophic levels, affecting an estimated 12 million people in 2026. Since 2022, approximately 1,853 healthcare facilities have been attacked, exacerbating the humanitarian crisis. Cooperation with the junta and its agencies has only served to worsen this crisis in regional human security. We call on ASEAN to:

  • Ensure humanitarian access initiatives that bypass the junta and its systems,
  • Enable direct support to local Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) and Community-based Organizations (CBOs), and
  • Facilitate cross-border aid delivery in consultation with and through ethnic resistance organizations (EROs), the National Unity Government (NUG) of Myanmar, and trusted CSOs, CBOs and networks.
  1. Immediate Measures to Halt the Flow of Aviation Fuel and Weapons

Aerial and other attacks on civilian targets have continued unceasingly. Since the February 2021 coup attempt, there were 65,978 armed clashes and attacks against civilians, which killed 17,871 civilians in 328 townships out of 330 townships in Myanmar.[1] The junta has carried out 9,794 aerial bombardments, including 7,330 airstrikes, 1,305 drone strikes, 820 paramotor attacks, and 339 gyrocopter assaults. These have resulted in 4,853 documented deaths and the destruction of over 1,200 civilian structures, including schools and religious sites, and countless homes.[2] If ASEAN is serious about reducing conflict, it needs to:

  • Impose restrictions on weapons and aviation fuel supply chains, as well as the logistical arrangements that deliver the supplies enabling aerial attacks,
  • Disrupt and/or interdict regional transit of weapons and aviation fuel that facilitate the junta’s airstrike capacity, and
  • Ensure that no ASEAN Member State serves as a conduit for resources used in attacks against civilians.
  1. Support for International Accountability Mechanisms

ASEAN Member States should actively support international justice initiatives focused on Myanmar, including the exercise of universal jurisdiction in Timor-Leste and Indonesia, to address serious violations of international law and advance accountability for atrocity crimes. This is critical in halting impunity, building public trust, and halting recurrence of these crimes. ASEAN must commit to implementing the June 2025 ILO Resolution under Article 33 of the ILO Constitution to combat forced labor linked to the conflict, including forced conscription, coerced labor in military controlled areas, and labor exploitation in scam centers.

  1. Advancement of an Inclusive, Legitimate Political Process

To build confidence and engagement in a genuinely inclusive and credible political process, we call on ASEAN to:

  • Ensure the ASEAN Special Envoy’s engagement and facilitation efforts are grounded in human rights, justice and accountability, as outlined by the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC),
  • Center democratic actors, including the NUG, SCEF, EROs, and civil society, in ASEAN’s efforts, and
  • Ensure that cessation of violence and atrocities, a halt to forced conscription, and the immediate and unconditional release of all political prisoners in Myanmar, are prioritized in the Special Envoy’s engagements and efforts.

Now five years after the Myanmar military’s violent and illegal and unlawful coup attempt in 2021 and the adoption of the 5PC on 24 April 2021, ASEAN’s responses remain fundamentally inadequate to address the Myanmar crisis. Ever since Min Aung Hlaing signed the 5PC in Jakarta, the military junta has demonstrated no political will whatsoever to implement the 5PC. Instead, the junta has escalated violence with complete impunity, while exploiting diplomatic engagement to try to normalize its unlawful coup attempt and manufacture political legitimacy. Absent serious enforcement, accountability, and inclusivity, the ASEAN 5PC remains a dead letter that the Myanmar military continues to ignore as it commits ongoing atrocity crimes.

We welcome the principled stance taken by ASEAN under its previous Chair, Malaysia, in rejecting the junta’s sham electoral process and expressing concern over ongoing atrocities. These efforts mark an important step towards aligning ASEAN’s response with international human rights standards.

Now that the Philippines has assumed the 2026 ASEAN Chairmanship, we call for strengthened leadership, policy continuity, and decisive action. We urge the ASEAN Chair and Special Envoy, Ma. Theresa Lazaro, to build on this precedent by formally rejecting not only the junta’s staged elections but also the illegitimate governing structures recently established in Naypyitaw. Instead, the Philippines should focus on advancing a people-centered approach towards Myanmar that is grounded in human rights, accountability, justice, and inclusivity.

Central to this approach is the unequivocal demand for the immediate and unconditional release of all political prisoners, including State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and President U Win Myint.

Excellencies,

The situation in 2026 represents a critical inflection point that directly challenges the commitments of the ASEAN to regional peace, security, and stability, as well as its legal and moral responsibility to protect the people of Myanmar as part of its commitment to people-centric ASEAN.

Following the junta’s violent, fraudulent and exclusionary sham elections, conducted between December 2025 and January 2026, it has moved to establish parliamentary structures dominated by internationally sanctioned military individuals and loyalists. This is a deliberate strategy to institutionalize military rule under the guise of “civilian governance.”

Meanwhile, Myanmar’s human security emergencies are increasingly intersecting with regional security concerns. Junta-controlled areas have become hubs for transnational criminal activities, including human trafficking and online scam operations, posing direct threats to ASEAN citizens and undermining regional stability.

We express grave concern that ASEAN’s current approach:

  • Risks legitimizing the illegal military junta and its attempted rebranding under post-sham election structures, including the sham parliament and institutions dominated by military-backed actors such as the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP),
  • Fails to halt the junta’s ongoing violence against civilians or advance accountability for atrocity crimes,
  • Excludes democratic actors and grassroots voices in implementation of the 5PC, and
  • Fails to prevent member states’ direct or indirect complicity in the junta’s continued atrocities and escalation of violence.

Ensuring the cessation of violence, as outlined in the 5PC, including the immediate and unconditional release of all political prisoners, is not only a moral imperative but a necessary precondition for any meaningful political resolution. Without this, any claims of dialogue, reconciliation, or legitimacy remain fundamentally flawed.

As ASEAN Chair, the Philippines faces a defining moment: to stand with the people of Myanmar or to perpetuate a framework that ignores their continued suffering. If ASEAN is to remain relevant, it must move towards a genuinely people-centered approach hinged on accountability to effectively address the Myanmar crisis.

ASEAN must choose—stand with the people of Myanmar—or risk complicity in the Myanmar military’s ongoing atrocity crimes.

We call on the Philippines, as ASEAN Chair, to adopt a principled, rights-based, inclusive, and accountable approach to the Myanmar crisis in support of a federal democratic future. We stand ready to support such efforts.

For further information, please contact:

  •       Salai Za Uk Ling, Chin Human Rights Organization; zauk@chinhumanrights.org
  •       Khin Ohmar, Progressive Voice; khinohmar@progressive-voice.org
  •       Debbie Stothard, ALTSEAN-Burma; debbie@altsean.org
  •       Ryan Martinez, Burma Solidarity – Philippines; aniceto.rjmartinez@gmail.com
  •       Mark Farmaner, Burma Campaign UK; Mark.Farmaner@burmacampaign.org.uk

Signed by 201 civil society organizations, including 23 organizations that have chosen not to disclose their names:

  1. 8888 Generation (New Zealand)
  2. A New Burma
  3. Action Committee for Democracy Development (ACDD)
  4. Ah Nah Podcast – conversations with Myanmar
  5. All Arakan Youth Organizations Network (AAYON)
  6. All Burma Democratic Front in New Zealand
  7. ALTSEAN-Burma
  8. Anti Dictatorship in Burma – DMV PA Area
  9. Arakan CSO Network
  10. ASEAN SOGIE Caucus
  11. Asia Democracy Network (ADN)
  12. Asia Human Rights and Labour Advocates (AHRLA)
  13. Asian Cultural Forum on Development (ACFOD)
  14. Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
  15. Association of Human Rights Defenders and Promoters (HRDP)
  16. Athan – Freedom of Expression Activist Organization
  17. Auckland Kachin Community NZ
  18. Auckland Zomi Community
  19. Ayeyarwaddy West Development Organisation (AWDO), Magway
  20. Ayeyarwaddy West Development Organisation (AWDO), Nagphe
  21. Ayeyarwaddy Youth Network
  22. Bir Duino
  23. Blood Money Campaign (BMC)
  24. Burma Action Ireland
  25. Burma Campaign UK (BCUK)
  26. Burma Canadian Network
  27. Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN)
  28. Burma Solidarity Philippines (BSP)
  29. Burmese Atheists Team
  30. Burmese Community Group (Manawatu, NZ)
  31. Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK)
  32. Burmese Rohingya Welfare Organisation New Zealand
  33. Burmese Women’s Union (BWU)
  34. Campaign for a New Myanmar
  35. Center For Action Points (CAP)
  36. Centre for the Sustainable use of Natural and Social Resources (CSNR)
  37. Chin Community of Auckland
  38. Chin Human Rights Organization (CHRO)
  39. CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation
  40. Civil Rights Defenders (CRD)
  41. Creative Home (CH)
  42. CRPH & NUG Supporters Ireland
  43. CRPH Funding Ireland
  44. Defence of Human Rights Pakistan
  45. Defend Myanmar Democracy (DMD)
  46. Doh Atu – Ensemble pour le Myanmar
  47. Educational Initiatives Prague
  48. Equality Myanmar (EQMM)
  49. Federal Corner
  50. Federal Myanmar Benevolence Group (NZ)
  51. Federation of Sagaing Forum
  52. Focus on the Global South
  53. Free Burma Campaign (South Africa) (FBC(SA)
  54. Future Light Center (FLC)
  55. General Strike Coordination Body – GSCB
  56. Generation Wave (GW)
  57. Generations’ Solidarity Coalition of Nationalities – GSCN
  58. Greater Equitable Measures (GEM), Malaysia
  59. Human Rights Educators Network (HREN)
  60. Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM)
  61. India For Myanmar
  62. Info Birmaine
  63. Innovation for Change – East Asia
  64. Institute of Innovative Democracy
  65. International Campaign for the Rohingya
  66. ITALIA-BIRMANIA.INSIEME
  67. IWU – Inle Women Union
  68. Justice & Equality Focus (JEF)
  69. Justice For Myanmar (JFM)
  70. Kachin Human Rights Watch (KHRW)
  71. Kachin Women’s Association Thailand (KWAT)
  72. Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG)
  73. Karen Peace Support Network (KPSN)
  74. Karen Women’s Organization (KWO)
  75. Karenni Human Rights Group (KnHRG)
  76. Karenni National Women’s Organization (KNWO)
  77. Karenni Society New Zealand
  78. KontraS
  79. Korean House for International Solidarity (KHIS)
  80. Kyae Lak Myay
  81. Kyaukpadaung Support Team (KST)
  82. Legal Aid for Human Rights
  83. Madaripur Legal Aid Association (MLAA), Bangladesh
  84. MAGGA Initiative
  85. Maldivian Democracy Network (MDN)
  86. Mandalay Regional Youth Association – RCG
  87. Mekong Watch
  88. Metta Campaign Mandalay
  89. Milk Tea Alliance (Friends of Manchester)
  90. Milk Tea Alliance Japan (MTAJ)
  91. MilkTea Alliance Calendar team
  92. MilkTea Alliance Friends of Myanmar
  93. Myanmar Accountability Project (MAP)
  94. Myanmar anti-military coup movement in New Zealand
  95. Myanmar Community Group Christchurch New Zealand
  96. Myanmar Community Group Dunedin New Zealand
  97. Myanmar Emergency Fund – Canada
  98. Myanmar Engineers – New Zealand
  99. Myanmar Gonye (New Zealand)
  100. Myanmar People Alliance (Shan State)
  101. Myanmar Student Christian Movement
  102. Myanmar Students’ Union in New Zealand
  103. Nabulae IDP Support and Relief Committee
  104. Nelson Myanmar Community Group New Zealand
  105. Network for Human Rights Documentation – Burma (ND-Burma)
  106. New Bloom
  107. New Renmonnya Federated Force (NRFF)
  108. New Step Women Empowerment Group (NSWG)
  109. New Zealand Campaign for Myanmar
  110. New Zealand Doctors for NUG
  111. New Zealand Karen Association
  112. New Zealand Zo Community Inc.
  113. No Business With Genocide
  114. North South Initiative
  115. North South Institute, Malaysia
  116. Nyan Lynn Thit Analytica (NLTA)
  117. Overseas Mon Association. New Zealand
  118. Oway Institute
  119. Pakokku Youth Development Council (PYDC)
  120. Peace Classroom (Sagaing Division)
  121. Peace Women Partners
  122. People Movement Platform Myanmar
  123. Political Prisoners Network – Myanmar (PPNM)
  124. Progressive Muslim Youth Association (PMYA)
  125. Progressive Voice (PV)
  126. Public Association Dignity
  127. Pusat KOMAS
  128. Pwintphyu Development Organisation (PDO)
  129. Pyithu Gonye (New Zealand)
  130. Queers of Burma Alternative (QBA)
  131. Rangoon Scout Network (RSN)
  132. Rohingya Maìyafuìnor Collaborative Network (RMCN)
  133. Rural Community Development Society
  134. Rvwang Community Association New Zealand
  135. Save Myanmar – USA
  136. Save Myanmar San Francisco
  137. Save Myanmar Fundraising Group (New Zealand)
  138. SEA Junction
  139. Shan Community (New Zealand)
  140. Sitt Nyein Pann Foundation (SNPF)
  141. Social Garden
  142. Solidarity for People’s Education and Lifelong Learning (SPELL)
  143. Southern Initiatives (SI)
  144. Spring Edu Garden
  145. Spring Friends (Pale Township)
  146. Spring Traveller
  147. Sujata Sisters Group (NZ)
  148. Ta’ang Women’s Organization (TWO)
  149. Taiwan Association for Human Rights
  150. Tamar Institute of Development
  151. Task Force Detainees of the Philippines (TFDP)
  152. Thai Action Committee for Democracy in Burma (TACDB)
  153. The Nation Voice
  154. Think Centre
  155. Thint Myat Lo Thu Myar Organization
  156. U.S. Campaign for Burma (USCB)
  157. Union of Karenni State Youth – UKSY
  158. Unitarian Universalist Service Committee (UUSC)
  159. Women’s League of Burma (WLB)
  160. Women’s Peace Network
  161. Yangon 4 Brothers
  162. Yaw Land’s IDP Support Network
  163. ကမ်းလက်ကူ
  164. ကျောက်ပန်းတောင်းမြို့နယ်ပညာရေးဘုတ်အဖွဲ့
  165. ဂန့်ဂေါဖွံ့ဖြိုးတိုးတက်ရေးအဖွဲ့
  166. စမ်းချောင်းပင်မသပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း
  167. စွန်ရဲဌာနေ (လေကြောင်းရန်ကာကွယ်ရေးကွန်ယက်)
  168. တမာကောလိပ်
  169. နွေဦးတမာန် နိုင်/ကျဉ်းကူညီရေးအဖွဲ့
  170. နွေဦးတမာရပ်ဝန်း
  171. နားဆင်သူများ
  172. ပဉ္စမမဏ္ဏိုင်
  173. မင်းဘူးတောင်သူများအစုအဖွဲ့
  174. မင်းလှတောင်သူများအစုအဖွဲ့
  175. မျက်မှောက်ခေတ်
  176. မျိုးဆက်-Generations
  177. ရွှေဘိုမြို့နယ် သပိတ်အင်အားစု
  178. သောင်ရင်းသတင်းလွှာ

Press Release – Rights-Based Reform: ASEAN Five Years on from the 5-Point Consensus

The Network for Human Rights Documentation – Burma Releases Rights-Based Reform: ASEAN Five Years on from the 5-Point Consensus

24 April 2026

For Immediate Release

Today, the Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma (ND-Burma) releases Rights-Based Reform: ASEAN Five Years on from the 5-Point Consensus. This latest briefing paper calls attention to the lack of meaningful action by ASEAN, specifically the 5-Point Consensus (5PC), which has failed in its credibility and implementation. The people of Burma reject the 5PC and have repeatedly called for its reform. ASEAN must acknowledge the reality that the junta has never intended to adhere to the 5PC. As violence continues to wage in the country, urgent action and attention by the regional bloc is long overdue.

The 5PC is based on five key pillars: a halt to the violence, inclusive dialogue, mediation through a special envoy, and unrestricted access for humanitarian aid. Five years later, civil society organizations continue to call for a response that acknowledges the people’s aspirations, including by ensuring that the military junta is denied any position of power, authority, or legitimacy. The junta’s relentless violence and deliberate attacks on democratic forces undermine protections for vulnerable groups. It is also indicative of their refusal to adhere to calls to end the ongoing air and ground strikes.

The military junta has continued to escape accountability for its actions. The lack of international response has only encouraged the regime to violate the human rights of ordinary people, perpetuating the cycle of impunity. A new approach by ASEAN is urgently required. In this latest briefing paper, ND-Burma members reiterate the ongoing calls by civil society for ASEAN to sever all ties with the terrorist junta and provide protection and support to all those affected by the regime’s ongoing human rights violations and the weaponization of humanitarian aid. Additionally, the paper calls on ASEAN to pursue justice in Burma by holding the military accountable for perpetrating war crimes and crimes against humanity, and to prioritize justice and accountability under international law.

Moving forward, ASEAN needs to work with partners to increase pressure on the junta to end ongoing attacks on civilians. At the same time, it should expand humanitarian access through local civil society networks that support vulnerable groups. The 5PC must be reformed and not accepted as the sole tool for holding the junta accountable. Active efforts are essential to protect civilians, secure the release of political prisoners, and allow the free flow of life-saving humanitarian aid through cross-border channels to reach all areas without restrictions.

While ASEAN shares the concern of the people when it comes to stability, this cannot be achieved by a military regime that bombs its citizens and imprisons critics. True stability is only possible by supporting Burma’s pro-democracy movement, listening to their needs, and setting conditions that protect civilians while allowing real political participation.

For more information:

Name: Nai Aue Mon

Signal: +66 86 1679 741

Name: San Htoi

Signal: +66 657549336

Rights-Based Reform: ASEAN Five Years on from 5-Point Consensus

Since the failed coup in February 2021, junta leader Min Aung Hlaing’s military has pushed Burma into a full-scale civil war. The extent of abuse is well documented. Thousands have been killed, and over 3.7 million people have been displaced.[1] Airstrikes, artillery, night raids, and arbitrary arrests have become daily realities for civilians who only seek safety and peace in their communities. The current instability of the situation has exposed vulnerabilities and a lack of resources, resulting in nearly one in three citizens estimated to require humanitarian assistance in 2026.[2]

The violence since the attempted coup in February 2021 has been increasing. Just a few months after the junta stole democracy from the people, in April 2021, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) introduced a peace plan called the Five Point Consensus (5PC) in response to the worsening human rights situation in Burma. The plan is based on five key pillars: a halt to the violence, inclusive dialogue, mediation through a special envoy, and unrestricted access for humanitarian aid. The military has long rejected the 5PC and has shown no interest in fulfilling any of its requirements or in changing its conduct in war.

Five years later, civil society organizations continue to call for a response from ASEAN that acknowledges the people’s aspirations, including by ensuring that the military junta is denied any position of power, authority, or legitimacy. The junta’s relentless violence and deliberate attacks on democratic forces undermine protections for vulnerable groups. It is also indicative of their refusal to adhere to calls to end the ongoing air and ground strikes. One significant obstacle in achieving the necessary results to tackle Burma’s multiple crises is the apparent lack of political will and commitment within ASEAN to work with pro-democracy allies and networks. Although the junta is losing its pursuit of legitimacy, international engagement with it has grown. Since 2021, ASEAN’s current and former leaders have prioritized initiating political dialogue with the junta to end the conflict, rather than engaging with representatives genuinely dedicated to a federal and democratic future for Burma. With the Philippines currently serving as the Chair of the Bloc, there are opportunities to meaningfully engage with the pro-democracy movement and lessons to be learned from the unsuccessful efforts of previous ASEAN Chairs.


[Open Letter] SEANF must remove membership of junta-controlled Myanmar National Human Rights Commission

To: Honorable Chair and Members of the Southeast Asia National Human Rights Institution Forum (SEANF)

Honorable Chairperson Dato’ Seri Mohd Hishamudin Yunus
Human Rights Commission of Malaysia (SUHAKAM)

Honorable Chairperson Ms. Anis Hidayah
National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM), Indonesia

Honorable Provedor Mr. Virgilio da Silva Guterres
Provedor de Direitos Humanos e Justiça (PDHJ) , Timor-Leste

Honorable Chairperson Atty. Richard Paat Palpal-latoc
Commission on Human Rights of the Philippines (CHRP)

Honorable Chairperson Ms. Pornprapai Ganjanarintr
National Human Rights Commission of Thailand (NHRCT)

21 April 2026

[Open Letter] SEANF must remove membership of junta-controlled Myanmar National Human Rights Commission

We, the CSO Working Group on Independent National Human Rights Institution (Burma/Myanmar) (Working Group), the Asian NGO Network on National Human Rights Institutions (ANNI), and the Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) respectfully urge the Southeast Asia National Human Rights Institution Forum (SEANF) to take decisive steps toward the formal removal of the Myanmar National Human Rights Commission (MNHRC) from its membership.

As SEANF convenes its first Technical Working Group Meeting under the leadership of the Human Rights Commission of Malaysia (SUHAKAM) from 20–22 April 2026, we encourage meaningful progress, including necessary amendments to the Rules of Procedure, to enable the removal of the junta-controlled MNHRC.

This action is essential to uphold SEANF’s integrity, credibility, and commitment to accountability.

MNHRC’s alignment with the military junta

Since the attempted coup in 2021, the Myanmar military junta has perpetrated widespread and systematic human rights violations against civilians. In this context, the MNHRC has failed to act independently and has instead reinforced the junta’s narratives, thereby undermining its mandate and legitimacy.

For over five years, the MNHRC has remained silent in the face of grave violations. It also openly defended the junta against criticisms.

The MNHRC’s 15 January 2026 statement criticizing SUHAKAM—following SUHAKAM’s concerns over the junta-led sham election held between 28 December 2025 and 25 January 2026—further illustrates its unwillingness to engage constructively and its continued failure to maintain independence as required under the Paris Principles, the minimum international standards expected of national human rights institutions.

Such conduct reflects a fundamental lack of independence, credibility, and meaningful engagement with regional human rights mechanisms.

Recent escalations further underscore the severity of the crisis. Reports of continued airstrikes targeting civilian areas, including attacks in Sagaing Region and Karen and Kachin States, have resulted in significant civilian casualties and destruction of homeshospitals, schools, and places of worship. These incidents reflect a pattern of increasing atrocity crimes by the Myanmar military and reinforce the urgent need for accountability, contradicting the junta’s narratives portraying a transition to civilian governance.

Myanmar’s illegitimate junta Chief, now self-appointed president, Min Aung Hlaing, also remains subject to international accountability efforts, including proceedings before courts in Argentina and the International Criminal Court, as well as universal jurisdiction cases initiated in Timor-Leste and Indonesia.

On 10 April 2026, Min Aung Hlaing re-appointed the Commissioners of the MNHRC shortly after assuming the self-appointed presidency. The lack of independence of the MNHRC is again evident, as the Commissioners are selected by the military, reflecting continued military control over the entity and falling short of the independence and pluralism required by the Paris Principles.

This sustained non-compliance has resulted in the MNHRC’s expulsion from the Global Alliance of National Human Rights Institutions (GANHRI) in March 2025 and the Asia Pacific Forum of National Human Rights Institutions (APF) in May 2025.

To preserve its standing as a credible regional human rights body, SEANF must follow suit without further delay.

Safeguarding SEANF’s credibility

Continued inclusion of a dis-accredited institution risks undermining the SEANF’s collective integrity. The removal of the MNHRC, alongside full disengagement from the junta-controlled body, is essential to promoting accountability.

We recognize the ongoing efforts of SEANF members—including its Chair, SUHAKAM—in demonstrating solidarity with the people of Myanmar. We also acknowledge current initiatives to amend the Rules of Procedure to clarify membership and procedural standards, with a view to strengthening accountability and safeguarding the integrity of SEANF.

ANNI and the Working Group extend our support to these efforts and to members actively advancing accountability, while respectfully encouraging timely and concrete progress.

GANHRI’s decision sends a clear message that non-compliance with the Paris Principles cannot be tolerated. We respectfully call on SEANF to act with similar resolve. Doing so would reinforce regional commitment to human rights standards and principled institutional leadership. The removal of the MNHRC also presents an opportunity for SEANF to strengthen its institutional coherence and renew its collective efforts to advance human rights, justice, and accountability across Southeast Asia.

We further encourage SEANF to publicly announce the removal of the MNHRC’s membership and to promptly update all relevant official platforms. In parallel, all forms of engagement with the MNHRC should cease without delay. Transparency in this process will be critical to maintaining public trust.

We look forward to confirmation of the MNHRC’s formal removal from SEANF and remain ready to engage constructively in support of independent and accountable national human rights institutions in the region.

Sincerely,

CSO Working Group on Independent National Human Rights Institution (Burma/Myanmar)
Asian NGO Network on National Human Rights Institutions (ANNI)
Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)

For more information, please contact:

  • The CSO Working Group on Independent National Human Rights Institution (Burma/Myanmar); WG_NHRI@protonmail.com
  • ANNI Secretariat, FORUM-ASIA; anni@forum-asia.org

About the Asian NGO Network on National Human Rights Institutions (ANNI)

The Asian NGO Network on National Human Rights Institutions (ANNI) was established in December 2006. It is a network of Asian non-governmental organisations and human rights defenders working on issues related to National Human Rights Institutions (NHRIs). ANNI currently has 33 member organisations from 21 countries or territories. ANNI members work on strengthening the work and functioning of Asian NHRIs to better promote and protect human rights as well as to advocate for the improved compliance of Asian NHRIs with international standards, including the Paris Principles and General Observations of the Sub-Committee on Accreditation (SCA) of the Global Alliance of NHRIs (GANHRI). The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) has served as the Secretariat of ANNI since its establishment in 2006.

More information at: https://forum-asia.org/anni/

About the CSO Working Group on Independent National Human Rights Institution (Burma/Myanmar)

The CSO Working Group on Independent National Human Rights Institution (Burma/Myanmar) advocates for the establishment of a new NHRI—tentatively named the Union Human Rights Commission—to replace the illegitimate MNHRC which has aligned itself with the illegal military junta. The Working Group was previously known as the ‘CSO Working Group on MNHRC Reform.’ Currently, it consists of 21 Myanmar civil society organizations. From its founding in 2019 until the attempted coup in February 2021, the Working Group consistently advocated for an effective MNHRC that demonstrates a commitment to the international standards set forth in the Paris Principles.

More information at: https://www.facebook.com/WGonNHRIBurma

President Win Myint freed in broad Myanmar prisoner amnesty

Myanmar’s President Win Myint was freed Friday as part of a broad prisoner amnesty by Min Aung Hlaing, who was inaugurated as president by a pro-military parliament on April 10, to mark the traditional Myanmar New Year.

The pardon order applied to more than 4,500 prisoners, but it was not immediately clear how many people imprisoned for opposing military rule were included and there was no sign that 80-year-old former leader Aung San Suu Kyi would be freed as well.

Win Myint is Aung San Suu Kyi’s longtime loyalist and was elected as president in 2018. He served as president under State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi because the military-drafted constitution barred her from holding the presidency.

Both were arrested during the military coup on Feb. 1, 2021. Win Myint was later given 12-year combined prison sentences for several offenses, which was reduced to eight years in 2023.

Regime-run MRTV television reported that Win Myint, who was in a prison in Taungoo Township in Bago region, had received amnesty.

Outside Insein Prison in Yangon, buses carrying prisoners were welcomed by relatives and friends who had been waiting since early morning. Among those released was filmmaker Shin Daewe, who was sentenced to life imprisonment under a counterterrorism law in January 2024.

The amnesty comes a week after Min Aung Hlaing was sworn into office following an election that critics say was neither free nor fair and was orchestrated to keep the military’s iron grip on power.

Aung San Suu Kyi expected to be transferred to house arrest

Regime-run media in Myanmar said in addition to the 4,335 prisoners pardoned, nearly 180 foreigners would be released and deported.

If the freed prisoners reoffend, they will have to serve the rest of their original sentences in addition to any new sentence, according to the terms of their release. A separate report said death sentences were commuted to life imprisonment, life sentences were reduced to 40 years and prison terms of less than 40 years were cut by one-sixth.

Under that measure, Aung San Suu Kyi’s 27-year sentence would be reduced by 4 1/2 years, leaving her with 22 1/2 years still to serve.

A senior military officer from the capital, Naypyidaw told the Associated Press on Friday that she will be transferred to house arrest as part of the clemency. He spoke on condition of anonymity because he wasn’t authorized to release information.

Aung San Suu Kyi has been serving a prison term on a variety of criminal convictions at an undisclosed location in Naypyidaw and has been moved to house arrest at least once in April 2024.

In his inauguration speech last week, Min Aung Hlaing said his government would implement amnesties that contribute to social reconciliation, justice and peace and support the country’s overall development.

Prisoner releases are common on holidays and other significant occasions in Myanmar.

Since the 2021 military coup, nearly 8,000 civilians have been killed and some 22,170 political detainees, including Aung San Suu Kyi, remain jailed, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), a rights monitoring group.

Total deaths in the ongoing conflict are estimated to be much higher.

Many political detainees have been held on incitement charges, a law widely used to arrest critics of the government or military and punishable by up to three years in prison.

Others have been prosecuted under a counterterrorism law that carries a potential death penalty and has been used to target political and armed opponents, journalists and other dissenters.

The human rights advocacy group Burma Campaign UK said in its statement on Friday that the slow, staged release of political prisoners is designed to gain positive publicity while making no real reforms.

“If the Burmese military regime were genuine about reform, they could release all 14,000 political prisoners today,” said the group’s advocacy and communications officer Minn Tent Bo, referring to the country’s former name.

“These people should not have been arrested in the first place. The Burmese military could stop arresting activists and could repeal all repressive laws. They haven’t done that.”

AP

DVB News

Rights Group Files Genocide Complaint Against Myanmar Junta Chief: Indonesian AG

JAKARTA—Rohingya representatives and a rights group filed a complaint Monday with Indonesia’s attorney general against Myanmar junta chief-turned-president-elect Min Aung Hlaing for alleged rights abuses against the minority group, the prosecutor’s office in Jakarta told AFP.

Myanmar’s military, which grabbed power in a 2021 coup, has for decades been accused of rights abuses, mostly targeting the country’s ethnic minorities including the Rohingya.

The complaint was filed in Indonesia by a Rohingya woman who fled from Myanmar, and other figures including former Indonesian Attorney General Marzuki Darusman and representatives of local rights group KontraS, the office’s spokesman Anang Supriatna told AFP.

“They came to deliver a complaint of crimes against humanity and genocide committed against the Rohingya people in Myanmar by the military junta government” including Min Aung Hlaing, Anang said.

The office will forward the complaint to a division of the attorney general’s office that specializes in serious crimes, he added.

Indonesian law gives the country’s courts “universal jurisdiction” over cases that involve serious crimes committed elsewhere in the world.

The world’s largest Muslim-majority country has for years been receiving Rohingya refugees as thousands risk their lives on long and dangerous sea journeys to reach Indonesia or Malaysia.

Irrawaddy News