ND Burma
ND-Burma formed in 2004 in order to provide a way for Burma human rights organizations to collaborate on the human rights documentation process. The 13 ND-Burma member organizations seek to collectively use the truth of what communities in Burma have endured to advocate for justice for victims. ND-Burma trains local organizations in human rights documentation; coordinates members’ input into a common database using Martus, a secure open-source software; and engages in joint-advocacy campaigns.
Recent Posts
- Survivors of War Crimes and Crimes Against Humanity Bring a Case Against the Myanmar Junta in Timor-Leste
- Seeking Justice and Solidarity in Dili
- Victims of War Crimes and Crimes Against Humanity Bring a Case Against the Myanmar Junta in Timor-Leste
- Airstrikes kill Katha IDPs returning home to retrieve belongings
- [Joint Statement] MYANMAR: International community should reject junta’s sham election
Survivors of War Crimes and Crimes Against Humanity Bring a Case Against the Myanmar Junta in Timor-Leste
/in Member statementsBy Chin Human Rights Organisation and Myanmar Accountability Project
Dili, 13 January 2026: A group representing survivors of war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by the Myanmar junta have presented a criminal complaint to the Public Prosecutor’s Office in Timor-Leste, requesting the opening of an investigation.
According to the head of the delegation, Salai Za Uk, Executive Director of the Chin Human Rights Organisation (CHRO), the criminal file includes “evidence of the gang rape of a pregnant woman; the massacre of ten people, including a journalist and a 13-year-old boy, who was among eight people who had their throats slit; the deliberate killing of one Christian Pastor and three Deacons; a disproportionate and indiscriminate aerial attack on a hospital which killed four medical staff and four patients, and a series of attacks on Christian churches”.
Accountability for these crimes is permissible in Timor-Leste under the principle of universal jurisdiction, which allows state authorities to take action regardless of where the crimes took place or the nationality of the victims and perpetrators.
Jose Teixeira, who together with his colleague Nuno Marrazes are the lead lawyers in the case, from the Timorese law firm Da Silva Teixeira & Associados Lda, said “the case will place minimal pressure on Timor-Leste’s judicial system. All the evidence we presented has been meticulously documented and reconfirmed by CHRO. In addition, the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) established by the UN, has a large body of verified evidence which can be made available to the Timorese authorities as part of their investigation”.
The crimes in the Timor-Leste complaint were committed in Myanmar’s predominantly Christian Chin State, which according to Salai Za Uk has seen “a deliberate, systematic, widespread, disproportionate and indiscriminate campaign of violence against civilians”.
Since July 2022, the military junta had carried out around 1,000 documented air strikes in the state. More than 4,600 homes have been destroyed by airstrikes or deliberately burnt down. 478 civilians have been killed, including 91 women and 79 children. At least 19 medical facilities, 25 schools and 127 religious buildings, including 78 churches, have been damaged or destroyed, according to CHRO figures.
The situation in Chin State is reflected across the country. According to the latest data from the UN and other credible sources, as of 31 March 2025, at least 6,473 civilians were killed by junta forces, including 1,487 women and 748 children. Over 30,000 have been detained and over 22,000 remain in detention. Nearly 2,000 people have died in military detention, with well documented cases of dozens being tortured to death. 172 people have been sentenced to death by military-controlled courts.
The UN estimates that violence in Myanmar has displaced more than 3.5 million people – over 5 per cent of the population – and although nearly 20 million are in need of assistance, according to the UN, the military has consistently blocked humanitarian access, even after natural disasters, including the earthquake in March 2025. Best estimates indicate that more than 1.5 million Myanmar people have crossed international borders by land or sea in search of safety, through regular and irregular channels, which has created a regional refugee crisis with dire human rights and humanitarian challenges.
The complainants hope that the case will resonate powerfully with the Timorese people, given Myanmar and Timor-Leste’s similar modern histories. Like Timor-Leste, says Salai Za Uk, “Myanmar was ruled for generations by Western colonials and, like Timor-Leste, Myanmar’s post-independence period saw vicious atrocity crimes perpetrated against innocent people. Since the coup there have been numerous attacks by the Myanmar junta on unarmed demonstrators in which thousands have been killed. They bring to mind the infamous Santa Cruz Massacre in Dili in 1991 in which over 250 demonstrators were murdered in cold blood”.
The Timor-Leste case is supported by the Myanmar Accountability Project, whose director, Chris Gunness, argues that “if the authorities in Timor-Leste took the simple step of opening an investigation it would send a powerful message, widely accepted across the ASEAN, that the situation in Myanmar is unsustainable and must change. The legal case in Dili offers an opportunity for solidarity with some of the most marginalized and isolated people in the ASEAN region”.
Salai Za Uk appealed for support to Timorese civil society, the Catholic Church and all Timorese people of conscience. “Given the position on human rights and accountability taken by leading politicians and other influential voices in Timor-Leste, the Chin People earnestly believe that our call for accountability will be heard. And we fervently hope that as Christians, our prayers for justice, peace and dignity, on behalf of the people of Myanmar, will be answered”.
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For further information and interview requests in Tetum, Bahasa Indonesia, Chin, Portuguese or English, please contact:
Jose Teixeira/Manuel Sa Martins/Sahe da Silva on +670 77287080 or jose.teixeira@dasilva.tl
Salai Za Uk on +91 8798837474 or zauk@chinhumanrights.org
Chris Gunness on +44 7587 698990 or cgunness@outlook.com
Seeking Justice and Solidarity in Dili
/in NewsToday, January 14, 2026, a delegation from the Chin Human Rights Organization (CHRO), led by Executive Director Salai Za Uk, held a significant one-hour meeting with President José Ramos-Horta at the Presidential Palace in Dili.
The delegation provided a comprehensive briefing on the escalating “reign of terror” in Myanmar’s Chin State and across the country. Key highlights from the meeting included:
• Evidence of Atrocities: Briefing the President on the systematic targeting of civilians, including aerial attacks on hospitals, schools, and churches.
• Legal Accountability: Discussing the case filed in Dili against ten members of the Myanmar military for crimes including the massacre of civilians and the targeted killing of religious leaders.
• A Shared History: Reflecting on the “bond of kinship” between Timor-Leste and Myanmar, born from a shared history of struggle and a mutual quest for nationhood.
We are deeply grateful to President Ramos-Horta for his time and his meaningful engagement. In a place that has known its own struggle for justice, we find hope that the cries of the Myanmar people will finally be heard.
“Though we were denied justice in our own country, we seek a sense of restitution here.” — Salai Za Uk
Victims of War Crimes and Crimes Against Humanity Bring a Case Against the Myanmar Junta in Timor-Leste
/in Member statementsDili, 12 January 2026: A group representing victims of war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by the Myanmar junta have presented a criminal complaint to the Public Prosecutor’s Office in Timor-Leste, requesting the opening of an investigation.
According to the head of the delegation, Salai Za Uk, Executive Director of the Chin Human Rights Organisation (CHRO), the criminal file includes “evidence of the gang rape of a pregnant woman; the massacre of ten people, including a journalist and a 13-year-old boy, who was among eight people who had their throats slit; the deliberate killing of one Christian Pastor and three Deacons; a disproportionate and indiscriminate aerial attack on a hospital which killed four medical staff and four patients, and a series of attacks on Christian churches”.
Accountability for these crimes is permissible in Timor-Leste under the principle of universal jurisdiction, which allows state authorities to take action regardless of where the crimes took place or the nationality of the victims and perpetrators.
A senior member of the Timorese legal team, Jose Teixeira (who worked with his colleague Nuno Marazes are the lead lawyers from Timorese law firm Da Silva Teixeira & Associados Lda), said “the case will place minimal pressure on Timor-Leste’s judicial system. All the evidence we presented has been meticulously documented and reconfirmed by CHRO. In addition, the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) established by the UN, has a large body of verified evidence which can be made available to the Timorese authorities as part of their investigation”.
The crimes in the Timor-Leste complaint were committed in Myanmar’s predominantly Christian Chin State, which according to Salai Za Uk has seen “a deliberate, systematic, widespread, disproportionate and indiscriminate campaign of violence against civilians”.
Since July 2022, the military junta had carried out around 1,000 documented air strikes in the state. More than 4,600 homes have been destroyed by airstrikes or deliberately burnt down. 478 civilians have been killed, including 91 women and 79 children. At least 19 medical facilities, 25 schools and 127 religious buildings, including 78 churches, have been damaged or destroyed, according to CHRO figures.
The situation in Chin State is reflected across the country. According to the latest data from the UN and other credible sources, as of 31 March 2025, at least 6,473 civilians were killed by junta forces, including 1,487 women and 748 children. Over 30,000 have been detained and over 22,000 remain in detention. Nearly 2,000 people have died in military detention, with well documented cases of dozens being tortured to death. 172 people have been sentenced to death by military-controlled courts.
The UN estimates that violence in Myanmar has displaced more than 3.5 million people – over 5 per cent of the population – and although nearly 20 million are in need of assistance, according to the UN, the military has consistently blocked humanitarian access, even after natural disasters, including the earthquake in March 2025. Best estimates indicate that more than 1.5 million Myanmar people have crossed international borders by land or sea in search of safety, through regular and irregular channels, which has created a regional refugee crisis with dire human rights and humanitarian challenges.
The complainants hope that the case will resonate powerfully with the Timorese people, given Myanmar and Timor-Leste’s similar modern histories. Like Timor-Leste, says Salai Za Uk, “Myanmar was ruled for generations by Western colonials and, like Timor-Leste, Myanmar’s post-independence period saw vicious atrocity crimes perpetrated against innocent people. Since the coup there have been numerous attacks by the Myanmar junta on unarmed demonstrators in which thousands have been killed. They bring to mind the infamous Santa Cruz Massacre in Dili in 1991 in which over 250 demonstrators were murdered in cold blood”.
The Timor-Leste case is supported by the Myanmar Accountability Project, whose director, Chris Gunness, argues that “if the authorities in Timor-Leste took the simple step of opening an investigation it would send a powerful message, widely accepted across the ASEAN, that the situation in Myanmar is unsustainable and must change. The legal case in Dili offers an opportunity for solidarity with some of the most marginalized and isolated people in the ASEAN region”.
Salai Za Uk appealed for support to Timorese civil society, the Catholic Church and all Timorese people of conscience. “Given the position on human rights and accountability taken by leading politicians and other influential voices in Timor-Leste, the Chin People earnestly believe that our call for accountability will be heard. And we fervently hope that as Christians, our prayers for justice, peace and dignity, on behalf of the people of Myanmar, will be answered”.
Airstrikes kill Katha IDPs returning home to retrieve belongings
/in NewsIn Katha Town, Sagaing Region, where nearly the entire population was displaced by fighting, some residents who briefly returned to collect their belongings were killed in junta airstrikes.
Late last year, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), People’s Defence Force (PDF) under the National Unity Government, the All Burma Students’ Democratic Front (ABSDF), the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), and the Spring Revolution Alliance (SRA) launched a joint offensive to seize Katha Town near the Kachin State border, triggering heavy clashes.
Fighting in Katha began on December 28, the same day junta-supervised Phase 1 voting took place. Since then, it has carried out airstrikes on villages on the outskirts of Katha Town, with aircraft bombing nearly the entire town except the downtown area.
The clashes have forced residents to flee as internally displaced people (IDPs), seeking refuge in villages along the Ayeyarwady River near Katha, as well as in Mabein Town in Shan State, Monghnyin Town and the state capital Myitkyina in Kachin State, and Mandalay City in Mandalay Region.
“Some IDPs took the risk and went back into town to collect their belongings. Some of them were killed when bombs hit during airstrikes, though others managed to return safely. Many people who had to leave everything behind when they fled were in deep distress, with nothing they could do but cry. Some who went back temporarily were killed by the bombing, so we didn’t dare to return—we were too afraid,” said a woman currently taking refuge in Mabein.
A Grade 12 student who tried to return to town to retrieve belongings was killed in an airstrike, said a local from a riverside village on the outskirts of Katha who is currently displaced.
“The kid was killed in a junta airstrike on Weagyi Village near Katha. He had fled Katha and went back briefly two days later to collect his belongings, but that’s when the tragedy happened,” he told KNG.
On January 2, a junta aircraft bombed Henar Village, about 15 miles from Katha, killing a man in his 50s and injuring three civilians.
In 2023, at the height of armed resistance nationwide, resistance forces gained control of most rural areas of Katha Township, except for downtown Katha.
BNI
[Joint Statement] MYANMAR: International community should reject junta’s sham election
/in Press Releases and StatementsBANGKOK, Thailand (23 December 2025) – The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA), Progressive Voice (PV) and the undersigned civil society organizations, condemn the Myanmar military junta’s plans to hold a multistage sham general election from late December 2025 to January 2026.
The upcoming elections are widely regarded as a sham due to the absence of fairness, transparency, meaningful political dialogue, legitimacy, and credibility. It is set against a backdrop of widespread and systematic human rights violations and atrocities.
An election held by war criminals is not credible. A fraudulent election will not bring peace or stability to Myanmar; it will only deepen societal divisions and fuel further conflict.
Rejecting sham elections should not be a crime. We, the undersigned organizations, refuse to recognize the results of such an illegitimate election. It should not take place in the first place.
Sham elections
The illegal Myanmar military junta—which is newly named as the State Security and Peace Commission and formerly the State Administrative Council, —claims to act as an “interim government” responsible for organizing and overseeing the electoral process. However, it has no legal authority to conduct national elections.
In August 2025, the junta-controlled Union Election Commission declared that the general election would start on 28 December 2025, with additional phases to follow.
Fifty-four political parties have been cleared to participate in the elections, however, most are either small or closely linked to the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.
Following the election announcement, airstrikes in Myanmar surged. On 10 December—International Human Rights Day—a junta jet bombed the general hospital of Mrauk-U town in Rakhine State, killing at least 34 people and wounding dozens. This is a clear violation under the International Humanitarian Law, which prohibits attacks on hospitals and other medical facilities. Such acts constitute a war crime.
Myanmar’s political opposition parties have all been either deregistered or dissolved. In addition, ad hoc laws have been enacted to exclude them from participating in the electoral process.
The junta will use electronic voting machines, posing security risks for those who vote against military-backed parties. Critics have also warned against potential vote manipulation.
It is important to note that the military junta does not control all of Myanmar’s 330 townships since resistance groups have expanded their effective control over areas where millions of people have categorically rejected the military’s attempted coup in 2021. Since then, the people of Myanmar have endured the junta’s violence and atrocity crimes.
International response
In October 2025, the European Union announced that it would not send observers to monitor the said election. Likewise, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) will not deploy observers.
Civil society, as reflected in a statement endorsed by more than 300 organizations, called for the rejection of the junta’s sham election.
Some ASEAN member states, such as Malaysia, have also voiced criticism against the upcoming election. Cambodia, however, confirmed that it will send election observers, raising concerns over regional complicity in legitimizing a deeply flawed process.
On 8 November, the French Government reiterated its call for the release of individuals detained or sentenced for political reasons since the junta’s takeover. It condemned the continued airstrikes and violence in Myanmar, expressing concern over the country’s severely deteriorating human rights situation.
On 9 December, the European Union’s High Representative raised concerns over the election’s credibility, highlighting the widespread violence, restrictions on fundamental freedoms, mass detentions, and the lack of a transparent and inclusive process happening in Myanmar.
On 10 December, the Australian Government expressed concern over the ongoing political and humanitarian crisis in Myanmar. It warned that holding elections under such conditions would likely exacerbate instability, hinder peaceful resolution, and result in grave consequences.
Within the international community, opposition against the junta’s sham elections is growing, with significant protests taking place in South Korea, Japan, and the US. The Myanmar junta’s embassy in Seoul extended the advance voting period by five days due to an extremely low voter turnout.
Repressive laws, unfair elections
Statements from civil society and experts have stated that the junta-planned elections do not meet international standards and cannot be considered credible or legitimate.
Following its illegal coup attempt in February 2021, the junta pledged to hold new elections. However, it has repeatedly been postponed under the pretext of a nationwide state of emergency, further undermining democratic governance in Myanmar.
The last election was held on 8 November 2020, in which the National League for Democracy (NLD) won a decisive majority in parliament, securing the mandate to form the next government. However, the military violently overturned the results, unleashing a brutal crackdown on the people of Myanmar. This campaign of terror continues to this day.
Consequently, after the military’s seizure of power, Aung San Suu Kyi was arrested immediately along with many other senior NLD leaders.
The junta has carried out attacks on civilian populations, including airstrikes and artillery bombardments, resulting in more than 7,000 deaths. Over 22,000 political prisoners remain behind bars, most detained solely for exercising their fundamental rights.
The junta has also enacted a series of repressive laws ahead of the election.
In January 2023, the junta enacted the Political Party Registration Law, which sets strict membership and financial requirements, blocking many long-established political parties—including those from ethnic minority areas—from registering. The law also allows the Union Election Commission to cancel a party’s registration if it has alleged links to any organization designated as an unlawful or terrorist group under existing laws.
Since then, more than 40 political parties have been dissolved for not submitting their applications to the Union Election Commission.
The law can disqualify existing parties if they fail to meet strict conditions. The National League for Democracy—which won a landslide victory in the 2020 election—was dissolved for failing to re-register under the electoral law.
In July 2025, the Myanmar Cyber Security Law, came into effect. Under the law, the people of Myanmar can face penalties even if they are outside the country’s borders.
Since July 2025, the Law on the Prevention of Disruption and Sabotage of Multi-Party Democratic General Elections can impose the death penalty on any individual who opposes or disrupts the elections. Since then, more than 300 people have been prosecuted under this law.
In December 2025, the military junta sought the arrest of 10 activists under a section of a new election law. The activists were accused of misleading the public by distributing leaflets against the sham election.
In an attempt to gain legitimacy ahead of the election, the junta released more than 3,000 political prisoners and dropped charges against 5,500 people. However, this appears to be merely a tactical move, as some of those released were re-arrested the following day on terrorism charges.
Ward and village administrators threaten community members to cast a ballot. Residents who do not vote as instructed are denied the ability to work, obtain travel permissions, and receive official endorsements.
The junta also warned that those who are of conscription age may be taken for military service if they do not vote. Meanwhile university students in areas controlled by the junta are barred from entering campus grounds unless they can present evidence of having cast an advance vote.
The junta is also expanding its use of military-controlled non-governmental organizations to distort the truth. False narratives must be confronted, particularly the US government’s assertion that Myanmar is on a path toward peace and stability and its expressed confidence in the junta’s planned election.
On 26 January 2026, the US will terminate the “Temporary Protected Status”, an immigration designation granted to individuals facing war or natural disasters in their home countries. This termination will affect at least 4,000 Burmese nationals living in the US.
Call to action
Sustained international pressure is essential to ensure that Myanmar’s struggle is not forgotten.
We urge the international community to express solidarity with the people of Myanmar and to support their demands for genuine freedom and democracy.
We call on the international community to reject the junta’s sham election. We must refuse to acknowledge its outcome and end all forms of engagements with the junta.
We urge the US government to reverse the decision to end the Temporary Protected Status for the people of Myanmar, who face persecution and grave danger if deported.
To ensure that aid reaches the most vulnerable communities, we call on international donors to increase and channel humanitarian aid to Myanmar’s internally displaced persons through local civil society organizations and border-based networks that bypass the junta.
ASEAN member states should cease all forms of support and engagement with the junta. They should not send election observers since doing so would only legitimize the sham process.
As incoming ASEAN Chair, the Philippines should uphold democratic principles as previously advanced by Malaysia. It must also ensure ASEAN’s decisive leadership to renounce the sham election. Likewise, it must call out the junta’s indiscriminate and ineffective delivery of humanitarian aid.
List of Endorsement
World Court to hear Myanmar genocide case in January
/in NewsThe International Court of Justice (ICJ) will hear a landmark case accusing Myanmar of committing genocide against its minority Muslim group, the Rohingya, on January 12-29, the United Nations’ top court said on Friday.
The proceedings are expected to set precedents that could affect South Africa’s case against Israel over the war in Gaza, as this will be the first genocide case the ICJ has heard on its merits in more than a decade.
In the first week of the hearings, Gambia — a predominantly Muslim West African country — will outline its case from January 12 to 15. Backed by the Organisation for Islamic Cooperation (OIC), Gambia filed the case at the ICJ in 2019, accusing Myanmar of committing genocide against the Rohingya.
Myanmar, which has denied genocide, can present its side from January 16 to January 20.
In an unusual move, the ICJ — also known as the World Court — has also allocated three days for hearing witnesses. These hearings will be closed to the public and media.
UN mission concluded Myanmar 2017 campaign included ‘genocidal acts‘
A U.N. fact-finding mission concluded that a 2017 military campaign by Myanmar that drove 730,000 Rohingya into neighbouring Bangladesh had included “genocidal acts”.
Myanmar rejected the U.N. findings as “biased and flawed”. It says its crackdown was aimed at Rohingya rebels who had carried out attacks.
The case is being brought under the 1948 Genocide Convention, enacted in the wake of the mass murder of Jews in the Nazi Holocaust, which defines genocide as “acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group”.
Both Myanmar and Gambia have signed the Genocide Convention, which gives the top U.N. court jurisdiction in the case.
Acts of genocide named in the convention include killing members of the group, causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group and deliberately inflicting conditions of life calculated to bring about the destruction of the group in whole or in part.
Since the 1948 Genocide Convention, the ICJ has only confirmed one episode of genocide, the 1995 Srebrenica massacre of some 8,000 Muslim men and boys by Bosnian Serb troops during the 1990s war that tore apart the former Yugoslavia.
The findings of the ICJ in this case could become important in any future genocide case, specifically as Gambia and a number of intervening states in the case including Canada, France, Germany and the United Kingdom have argued that genocide is not limited to only mass killings.
The intervening countries said in written filings that the court should not only focus on the number of dead to establish genocidal intent, but also look at forced displacement, crimes against children and sexual and gender-based crimes.
REUTERS
DVB