ND Burma
ND-Burma formed in 2004 in order to provide a way for Burma human rights organizations to collaborate on the human rights documentation process. The 13 ND-Burma member organizations seek to collectively use the truth of what communities in Burma have endured to advocate for justice for victims. ND-Burma trains local organizations in human rights documentation; coordinates members’ input into a common database using Martus, a secure open-source software; and engages in joint-advocacy campaigns.
Recent Posts
- Open letter from Myanmar, regional and international civil society organizations to ASEAN to End Myanmar Military’s Violence, Advance Accountability and Operationalize Cross-border Humanitarian Aid
- Press Release – Rights-Based Reform: ASEAN Five Years on from the 5-Point Consensus
- Rights-Based Reform: ASEAN Five Years on from 5-Point Consensus
- [Open Letter] SEANF must remove membership of junta-controlled Myanmar National Human Rights Commission
- President Win Myint freed in broad Myanmar prisoner amnesty
Releases‘Defying a Dictatorship’: An Overview of the Human Rights Situation in Burma
/in Press Releases and StatementsThe Network for Human Rights Documentation – Burma Releases
‘Defying a Dictatorship’: An Overview of the Human Rights Situation in Burma
July-December 2025
17 March 2026
For Immediate Release
Today, the Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma publishes its latest bi-annual report, ‘Defying a Dictatorship,’ which outlines the human rights situation in various States and Regions of ND-Burma members from July to December 2025.
During this period, ND-Burma’s member organizations documented 462 human rights violations across 279 incidents in seven regions and six states in Burma. Of these, 271 violations were committed by the military junta, 5 by Ethnic Revolution Organizations (EROs), and 3 cases could not be attributed to a perpetrator. In total, 881 individuals, including 357 males, 187 females, 182 children, and 155 individuals of unknown gender or age, had their rights violated. Significantly, 352 individuals, including 173 males, 80 females, 82 children, and 17 of unknown genders or ages, were killed.
The situation on the ground for civilians remains increasingly volatile as the armed actors continue to evade accountability for their widespread and systematic crimes. The most vulnerable, especially women and children, are forced to endure the worst suffering as their calls to the international community for action go largely unanswered. With over 3.5 million people displaced nationwide, the urgency for action is clear. It is vital that global stakeholders are not deceived by the regime’s insistence that the situation is normal. Quite the contrary. Humanitarian aid and elections are routinely weaponized as tools to control and surveil the population.
Furthermore, as shown in the latest report by ND-Burma, there are numerous cases in areas where members are actively documenting human rights violations, providing evidence of how the junta is terrorizing innocent people. A rule of law or a federal democracy cannot exist with the junta in any leadership role. Therefore, the international community must respond to the longstanding calls of civil society by pursuing coordinated and meaningful actions that hold the regime accountable at the highest levels, including referring the human rights situation in Burma to the International Criminal Court. The survival and future of a new Burma depend on it.
For more information:
Name: Nai Aue Mon
Signal: +66 86 1679 741
Name: San Htoi
Signal: +66 64 9369 070
Defying a Dictatorship
/in ND-Burma's Reports, Periodic ReportDefying a Dictatorship
An Overview of the Human Rights Situation in Burma: July-December 2025
The Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma (ND-Burma) is deeply grateful to the interviewees for their courage in speaking out against the violations committed against them. We also appreciate our member organizations and fieldworkers, who continue to gather invaluable testimonies at their own personal risk. This report would not be possible without the work and contributions of ND-Burma members, the bravery of victims, and their coordinated efforts to collect evidence of human rights abuses despite the threats to their safety and security.
The voices of civilians in this report remind us that there is still a long way to go for peace in Burma. We are motivated by their resilience to continue in the face of abject human rights abuses and crimes against humanity perpetrated by the Burmese Army and its various militias and accomplices on the ground. We sincerely thank our supporters and institutions offering unwavering support in making this report possible.
Report briefer link for Eng
Open Letter: The UNHRC Must Reject the Junta’s Sham Election Results to ConsolidateIllegitimate Rule and Advance Accountability
/in Press Releases and StatementsTo: Member and Observer States of the UN Human Rights Council
CC: UN High Commissioner for Human Rights
UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar
18 February 2026
Open Letter: The UNHRC Must Reject the Junta’s Sham Election Results to Consolidate
Illegitimate Rule and Advance Accountability
Excellencies,
We, the undersigned 235 Myanmar, regional, and international civil society organizations, urge
the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) to take decisive, principled, concrete and
time-bound action to protect the rights and dignity of the people of Myanmar. As the Council
considers its 2026 resolution on Myanmar, we call for the adoption of a robust resolution that:
electoral process conducted under the military-drafted 2008 Constitution and refuses
recognition of any outcomes or governance structures arising from it;
through measures that restrict access to aviation fuel, arms, and dual-use technologies;
networks) that enable the junta to continue its terror campaign; and
Excellencies,
The Myanmar crisis is the direct consequence of the military’s attempted coup in February 2021
and its subsequent campaign of systematic violence to unlawfully seize and consolidate power
against the will of the people. Since then, the military junta has deliberately applied terror and
repression with total impunity.
Over the past five years, the Myanmar military junta has waged a sustained campaign of terror
attacks against civilians, marked by widespread and systematic violations of international human
rights and humanitarian law. These abuses include indiscriminate airstrikes and shelling,
massacres, extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, torture, conflict-related sexual
violence, and mass arbitrary arrest and detention. Since February 2021, at least 30,476 political
prisoners have been arrested, 22,780 of whom remain detained, while 7,804 people have been
killed. Documentation records at least 501 massacres, resulting in thousands of civilian deaths.
Hundreds of thousands of civilian homes and public buildings have been deliberately destroyed,
often through coordinated arson and airstrikes, especially in Sagaing, Magway and Tanintharyi
Regions and Chin, Karenni, Karen, and Rakhine States. The junta has carried out 9,794 aerial
bombardments, including 7,330 airstrikes, 1,305 drone strikes, 820 paramotor attacks, and 339
gyrocopter assaults. These aerial attacks have resulted in 4,853 documented deaths. Since 2022,
approximately 1,853 healthcare facilities have been attacked. IDP camps, schools, places of
worship, and public gatherings are repeatedly targeted.
On 10 December 2025, International Human Rights Day, the military conducted airstrike on
Mrauk-U Hospital in Rakhine State, killing approximately 34 people and injuring more than ten.
In January 2026 alone, 633 human rights violations were documented, alongside 220 aerial
bombardments that killed at least 69 civilians. Two major massacres occurred between 21 and
25 January: in Bhamo Township, Kachin State, at least 27 people were killed during a funeral and
wedding; in Kyauktaw Township, Rakhine State, at least 21 people, including pregnant women
and children, were killed. In February 2026, further airstrikes targeted displaced civilians in
Sagaing Region, killing monastic novices, children, and villagers.
More than 3.6 million people are internally displaced, while acute food insecurity has continued
at catastrophic levels, affecting an estimated 12.4 million people in 2026. The junta’s attacks on
civilian population are deliberate. They form part of a widespread and systematic pattern that
amounts to war crimes and crimes against humanity including war crime of starvation of
civilians. The Council must adopt urgent accountability and civilian protection measures.
In addition, Myanmar has become a regional hub for transnational criminal activities. The
proliferation of cyber-scam centers, human trafficking networks, and illicit narcotics production
has accelerated, particularly in areas under the control of the junta and junta-aligned armed
groups, militias, and military-linked business networks. These criminal economies generate
revenue streams for the junta and actors connected to it, helping the military evade and
withstand international sanctions.
The consequences of these crimes extend far beyond Myanmar’s borders and have directly
affected neighboring ASEAN countries as well as the United States and Europe. Victims—often
trafficked individuals—are subjected to forced labor, detention, torture, and other serious
abuses that may amount to crimes against humanity, including enslavement and imprisonment.
The symbiotic relationship between the military junta and transnational organized crimes is now
a central feature of its survival strategy and must be explicitly addressed by the UNHRC and the
international community.
In stark contrast to the junta’s violence, the people of Myanmar have continued to organize,
resist, and build alternative political and social systems under extraordinary risks. Civil society
organizations, human rights defenders, women, youth and LGBTIQA+ activists, and democratic
resistance groups have established people-led governance from the ground up, challenging the
military-constructed, centralized, repressive state system and exclusionary nationalism. Through
survivor-centered documentation, rights-based advocacy, community education, mutual aid, and
local administration, communities are actively shaping a different political landscape that seeks
to ensure a peaceful and sustainable future based on principles of human rights, justice, and
federal democracy.
Against this backdrop, the junta attempted to manufacture political legitimacy through a
systematically coerced and tightly controlled process. The military junta weaponized the entire
electoral system—deploying the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party
(USDP), mobilizing pro-junta networks, and relying on fear, intimidation, and force—to impose a
predetermined outcome. This carefully stage-managed process was falsely presented as a
“return to democracy,” a narrative decisively rejected by the people of Myanmar. The election
was neither legal nor legitimate. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights publicly affirmed
that the military-imposed elections failed to respect fundamental human rights and only
deepened violence and societal polarization.
The junta-controlled Union Election Commission (UEC) functioned as a direct instrument of
military command, seeking to fabricate consent through surveillance, exclusion, and coercion.
The three-phase election, held between December 2025 and January 2026, unfolded amid the
widespread public boycott and junta’s heavy militarization and collapsing territorial control.
Polling stations were largely empty, with participation limited to pro-military supporters or
individuals coerced through threats of arrest, economic punishment, or pressure on family
members. Electoral secrecy and voluntariness were systematically dismantled through
surveillance, forced advance voting, and arrests under so-called election protection laws, under
which at least 404 people—324 men and 80 women—were detained. In addition, the junta’s
sham election took place amid ongoing massacres and airstrikes. The Office of the High
Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) documented and reported that at least 170 people
were killed in more than 408 military aerial attacks during the voting period between December
2025 and January 2026.
While we acknowledge the UNHRC resolution adopted on 4 April 2025, the crisis—now entering
its sixth year—demands far stronger, more concrete, and time-bound actions from UN
mechanisms and the international community.
The UNHRC must unequivocally reject the sham election and its outcomes and make clear that
no UN mechanism will recognize or engage with any governance structures arising from it. Any
recognition, engagement, or technical cooperation that confers political legitimacy on the junta,
including in the aftermath of its sham election, risks normalizing the junta’s atrocity crimes and
further emboldening it.
The Council must explicitly recognize and address the symbiotic relationship between the
Myanmar military and transnational organized crimes and call for coordinated international
action to dismantle these networks and cut off a key source of financing for the military.
We further urge the Council to call for a comprehensive global arms embargo, including targeted
sanctions on aviation fuel, cutting the financial flows that sustain the military’s decades-long
impunity. Any sale, supply, or transfer of weapons, aircraft, drones, or fuel directly facilitates
atrocity crimes and may therefore give rise to state and individual responsibility for aiding and
abetting the Myanmar military’s crimes under international law.
The Council must also mobilize political support for concrete accountability measures, including
the referral of the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court (ICC) or the
establishment of an ad hoc or hybrid international criminal tribunal. We urge the Council to
actively support the NUG’s declaration under Article 12(3) of the Rome Statute, accepting ICC
jurisdiction, and to increase support for cases under the principles of universal jurisdiction,
including those pursued in Argentina, Timor-Leste, and other national courts.
Finally, the UN must move beyond reliance on ASEAN’s failed Five-Point Consensus and adopt an
approach that support a Myanmar people-led, rights-based solution grounded in international
law, justice, and accountability.
Excellencies,
We urge you to support the people of Myanmar in their unwavering resistance against the
criminal military junta and tireless efforts to build a federal democracy from the ground up,
despite immense suffering. We urge the Council to match their courage with decisive action—by
rejecting the junta’s sham election and its results, dismantling the military’s capacity to continue
committing war crimes, crimes against humanity, and other international crimes, and advancing
accountability without delay.
For further information, please contact:
Signed by 235 civil society organizations, including 27 organizations that have chosen not to
disclose their names:
ထောက်ခံလက်မှတ် ထပ်မံရရှိထားသော အဖွဲ့များ
အိတ်ဖွင့်ပေးစာကို PDF ဖြင့် ရယူရန် (မြန်မာဘာသာ ၊ English)
Lives in the Absence of Safety
/in ND-Burma Members' ReportsThe Ta’ang Women’s Organization (TWO) has released a report titled ‘Lives in the Absence of Safety.’
This field report documents human rights violations committed by the “terror” military council in northern Shan State from February 1, 2021, to 2024, following the coup d’état.
The report highlights severe human rights abuses, the situation in the Ta’ang region before and after the coup, and the overall deterioration of social conditions.
It also covers the airstrikes targeting civilians during Operation 1027, the dire living conditions of internally displaced persons (IDPs), and the status of rehabilitation assistance.
Furthermore, it presents findings on the regional situation under the administration of revolutionary organizations.
Iranian shadow fleet fuels Myanmar junta’s expanding air campaign against civilians
/in NewsLONDON (Reuters) – The first bomb to strike the remote western Myanmar village of Vanha came from a junta warplane. It hit the only school in the hamlet, near the frontline of Myanmar’s civil war. The second came from a drone minutes later.
On that day, October 13, 2025, an Iranian tanker was headed home from Myanmar, where it had recently unloaded more than 16,000 tons of jet fuel under a cloak of electronic scrambling – enough for thousands more fighter jet sorties.
Illicit Iranian deliveries of jet fuel have powered an expansive bombing campaign by the Myanmar junta that has struck more than 1,000 civilian locations in 15 months, a Reuters investigation has found. Iran has also dispatched cargoes of urea, a key ingredient in the junta’s munitions, including the bombs it drops from drones and paragliders.
Taken together, the Iranian deliveries to Myanmar’s military have helped shift the dynamic of the five-year civil war, which pits the junta against an array of rebel groups, none of which have a conventional air force or a ready supply of weapons as powerful as the bombs and missiles launched by fighter jets. And for Iran’s embattled government, the trade has brought in new revenue and influence, as sanctions tighten and old allies lose power.
By the time the warplane swooped over Vanha and bombed the school, Myanmar’s air force had already received huge quantities of Iranian jet fuel. Two students died that day and 22 people were wounded, according to one of the wounded, a man who was in the schoolyard, and Chin Human Rights Organization, which documents junta attacks in the region.
Most of the children were outside cleaning up the yard at the time, the wounded man said, or the toll would have been far worse. Vanha’s dead were among at least 1,728 civilians killed in government airstrikes since the Iranian deliveries began, according to data compiled by Burma News International-Myanmar Peace Monitor, which tracks the conflict.
From October 2024 to December 2025, Iran delivered a total of about 175,000 tons of jet fuel to the junta in nine shipments from Reef and a larger sister ship, Noble, according to shipping documents reviewed by Reuters, and satellite imagery and analysis by the US firm SynMax Intelligence.
The documents and other shipping data show the two ships sailing out of Iran have been Myanmar’s primary suppliers of jet fuel since the deliveries began. The surge in Iranian imports also includes hundreds of thousands of tons of urea. The petrochemical product is typically a fertilizer ingredient, but Myanmar’s junta also uses it in munitions, according to two soldiers who defected from the military.
Although the intensifying air campaign has been widely documented, Iran’s central role in fueling it and supplying urea has not been previously reported.
The deliveries, which are circumventing Western sanctions on both Iran and Myanmar, are a badly needed crutch for their troubled repressive governments.
The United Nations Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Myanmar, responding to findings about the Iranian shipments to Myanmar, called for the Iranian government to be held accountable for the actions of its new customer.
“This fuel that is being shipped in from Iran is literally fueling mass atrocities,” Tom Andrews said. “There has been an escalation in attacks on civilian targets. It’s just horrific and unacceptable. It’s important to point out those that are enabling it.”
Iran’s UN mission declined to comment, and Myanmar’s government did not respond. Reporters were unable to reach the owners of Reef and Noble; an email listed as a contact was not valid.
IRAN’S THEOCRACY, reeling from US and Israeli military attacks and the collapse of its currency, has just crushed anti-government protests that posed one of the greatest threats to the Islamic Republic since 1979. It is desperate for money, after years of sanctions.
Myanmar’s military dictatorship is also trying to quell a rebellion that erupted after the junta staged a coup in 2021. The fuel has helped at a critical moment. Its 100 or so warplanes, including Chinese-designed JF-17s, Russian MiG-29s and Sukhoi-30s, are flying far more bombing raids since the fuel trade boomed. Myanmar’s rebels are increasingly struggling to keep control of territory in the face of the junta’s dominance of the skies.
Reef and Noble, both sanctioned by the United States in 2024, started making the roughly 5,500-kilometer voyages from Iran to Myanmar in October of that year, falsifying their journeys using a technique called spoofing that is common among cargo ships and tankers making illicit deliveries.
Since that first delivery until December 31, Myanmar’s military carried out 1,022 airstrikes on civilian targets, more than double the number from the previous 15-month period, according to Myanmar Peace Monitor data. Reuters has not been able to independently confirm the number of airstrikes or civilian casualties.
Vanha’s approximately 260 residents live within a roughly 500-meter radius of the school, and when the airstrike hit, the shock wave rippled through their homes. Video verified by Reuters shows people fleeing when the second explosion rings out from the drone.
The village, ringed by forested mountains, is in Chin state, an impoverished western province bordering India, where the junta is attempting to claw back territory from rebels. Before the year was done, military jets bombed two other schools within 70 kilometers of Vanha, according to the Chin Human Rights Organization.
Most of Vanha’s villagers are now so scared of another airstrike that they sleep in the surrounding jungle and emerge from the tree canopy to return home only when necessary, said the man wounded that day. “Why are they attacking innocent civilians and young children?” he asked.
Reuters could not confirm whether the warplane that struck Vanha was flying on Iranian jet fuel. However, it had been more than a year since the fuel had come from anywhere else, the documents and shipping data show.
The movement of the Iranian ships was tracked using satellite images and analysis provided by SynMax. The data corroborated details listed in the shipping documents, which contained the vessels’ names, cargo, port calls, and arrival and departure dates.
People and companies connected to the terminal where Reef and Noble off-loaded their liquid cargo, near Myanmar’s commercial capital of Yangon, have been sanctioned by the United States, Canada, the European Union, and Britain for supplying jet fuel to the military.
An analyst who tracks Iranian shipping also confirmed some jet fuel deliveries. Some of Reef’s and Noble’s visits to the terminal were further confirmed by Myanmar Witness, a project of the Center for Information Resilience, an organization focused on exposing human rights violations.
Publicly available ship-tracking data and Myanmar Port Authority records also confirmed additional information in the documents, including the deliveries of urea.
Iran’s export surge to Myanmar follows a series of punitive Western export bans on materials that could be used by the junta to repress civilians. Those economic sanctions raised the risks for commercial fuel suppliers and distributors to sell to Myanmar, prompting most to exit the country.
In a response to questions about Iran’s role in supplying Myanmar’s military, the US Treasury Department said Iran’s quest for new markets was a sign that the Trump administration’s economic pressure had been successful. “The regime’s oil profits are being choked,” an official said.
The foreign affairs offices of the EU and Canada declined to comment. Britain’s Foreign Office noted that it had more than 550 sanctions imposed on Iran over its nuclear program and human rights violations, including the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and 25 individuals and 39 entities in Myanmar since the coup.
“The UK condemns human rights violations by the Myanmar military, including airstrikes on civilian infrastructure,” the Foreign Office spokesman said.
Iran has a long history of military support for allies, including Bashar al-Assad in Syria, Hezbollah in Lebanon, Hamas in Gaza, and former president Nicolas Maduro in Venezuela. The sales to Myanmar are part of a broader strategy of extending its influence by deepening ties with other isolated governments – especially after the fall of older allies since the end of 2024, according to analysts. Assad and Maduro are now out of power, and Hezbollah and Hamas are struggling to recover from military defeats by Israel.
The sales also replenish state coffers depleted by the sanctions and Iran’s conflict with Israel. Jet fuel commands a 33% premium compared to Brent crude, meaning Iran could have earned about $123 million for those nine shipments of jet fuel at current market prices, according to estimates based on International Air Transport Association data.
ON SEPTEMBER 15, 2025, Reef’s location transmitter pinged off the southern coast of Iraq near the Basrah Oil Terminal.
Satellite imagery of the area at the time, however, shows no sign of the vessel. Reef was actually at the Iranian port of Bandar Abbas, loading fuel 8 kilometers away from a refinery that produces jet fuel and is overseen by the National Iranian Oil Refining and Distribution Company, known as NIORDC, SynMax satellite imagery shows.
At times, during loading, Reef’s cover slipped and the location transmitter gave away its accurate position, before reverting to the fake location, SynMax data show.
US and EU sanctions documents show NIORDC is a subsidiary of the National Iranian Oil Company, which controls Iran’s petroleum exports and generates huge amounts of money for the IRGC.
The US Office of Foreign Assets Control, the arm of the Treasury Department in charge of sanctions, identified the National Iranian Oil Company as an “agent or affiliate” of the IRGC in 2012.
Reef is part of Iran’s shadow fleet – a network of vessels used to secretly transport illicit cargo. The Iranian fleet ships $50 billion worth of oil each year to customers abroad, by far its largest source of foreign currency and its principal connection to the global economy, Reuters reported in 2024.
The IRGC, with control over both the country’s illicit economy and its internal security, dominates the fuel-smuggling networks and other business interests that have been a lifeline for Iran’s elite. But the organization has provoked popular backlash with its violent suppression of dissent, corruption and stranglehold over the economy, according to analysts and sanctions experts.
Reef and Noble and their owner, Sea Route Ship Management FZE, were sanctioned by the US in 2024 for “knowingly” transporting Iranian petrochemical products. Reef has changed its name and flag of registration three times in as many years – a common tactic in the shadow fleet.
Reef and Noble docked at the Myan Oil Terminal, a facility on the outskirts of Yangon previously known as Puma, SynMax imagery showed. In an archived website, a former corporate owner said it handled 100% of Myanmar’s market for jet fuel, which spoils easily and requires specialized storage and transport.
Western governments have designated the network of companies connected to the facility – including Myan Oil, Swan Energy, Shoon Energy, and Asia Sun Group – as key partners of the junta in importing, storing, and distributing jet fuel. Those firms and two associated individuals, Zaw Min Tun and Win Kyaw Kyaw Aung, were sanctioned for supplying the fuel to the military.
Neither Myan Oil nor the network of companies and people connected to the terminal responded to requests for comment. In many cases, email addresses for them that were listed in the sanctions notices were invalid.
THE SHIFT toward Iranian supplies underscores a broader realignment in relations between Iran and Myanmar’s military, known as the Tatmadaw.
In 2017, Iranian president Hassan Rouhani strongly criticized the Tatmadaw, after it massacred thousands of Rohingya, a mainly Muslim minority. As waves of Rohingya civilians fled to Bangladesh following the military offensive, Rouhani’s administration urged Islamic nations to help end the crisis.
“The international community has no excuse to allow the genocide of Rohingya Muslims to continue in front of our eyes,” Iranian foreign minister Mohammad Javad Zarif said that September.
But after the Tatmadaw ousted the civilian government led by Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi in 2021, there was a rapprochement. In January 2022, an Iranian government delegation secretly visited Myanmar to meet with members of the military, according to a regional security source who closely tracks the junta. The visit was first reported by Asia Times.
They were there to sell Iranian weapons, including guided missiles and other military equipment, said the security source, who spoke on condition of anonymity. The source described the visit as a sign that Iran had decided in favor of military support for the junta, while also expanding its arms-export market.
“When push comes to shove, they can make the necessary adjustments,” said Danny Citrinowicz, a former Israeli intelligence officer and now senior Iran researcher at the Institute for National Security Studies think tank, referring to Iran’s pivot to Myanmar. “You can flex the ideology where it’s a strategic interest. And definitely Myanmar is a country that’s interesting to them.”
In addition to increasing jet fuel deliveries, Iran has over the past three years become a primary source of Myanmar’s urea, which the junta has used to manufacture explosives. Three trade analysts who track the imports closely said Iran’s supplies have increased drastically. The annual volume of such Iranian imports into Myanmar could be in the range of 400,000 and 600,000 tons, according to two of them.
At least two vessels that transport bulk cargoes, Golden ES and Rasha, delivered urea from Iran to Myanmar last year, port authority data and satellite imagery show. As with Reef and Noble, Golden ES and Rasha manipulated their onboard location transmitters to disguise their departure point, according to SynMax. The quantities of urea described by the analysts would entail multiple deliveries, but Reuters was unable to confirm other shipments.
The owners of Golden ES and Rasha did not respond to requests for comment.
Major Naung Yoe, a soldier who said he defected from the military in 2021 to avoid killing civilians and joined the rebellion, said urea ends up in two ordnance factories in central Myanmar, where it can be integrated into multiple kinds of explosives, including bombs dropped from drones and paragliders. Another defected soldier confirmed the urea-based munitions.
Deepening commercial ties have been accompanied by recent high-level political engagement between Myanmar and Iran.
In December 2025, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian sat across from Myanmar’s Prime Minister Nyo Saw on the sidelines of a summit in Turkmenistan. An Iranian readout of the meeting said Nyo Saw emphasized the desire to expand cooperation in oil imports and extraction technology.
Iran was also invited to send monitors to observe Myanmar’s phased general election that started on December 28, 2025. It was a vote that the opposition, the UN, and many international observers described as neither free nor fair. Myanmar’s junta has said the election was successful and broadly popular.
AS THE election approached, the Tatmadaw continued its aerial bombardment of civilian areas.
Wai Hun Aung, an aid worker, was at home late on December 10 when he heard a plane flying overhead. Moments later, a massive explosion shook his house in Mrauk-U town in Rakhine state, a coastal province bordering Bangladesh where the military has been locked in fierce fighting with the Arakan Army rebel group.
“I was terrified. I knew instantly that we were being targeted by an airstrike,” Wai Hun Aung said.
It was not until dawn, when he reached the town’s main hospital on his motorbike, that the aid worker grasped the scale of destruction.
Relatives of patients swarmed the wreckage of the hospital, looking for survivors, he said. At least 30 people were killed and more than 70 wounded, according to Reuters reporting. It was among the deadliest aerial attacks of the civil war.
Only days earlier, Reef had made another covert delivery to Myanmar, unloading nearly 15,000 metric tons of jet fuel, according to the documents and satellite images. As on previous trips, the crew spoofed its location to falsely show it was sailing from Iraq’s Basrah Oil Terminal to Chittagong in Bangladesh.
A port authority official in Chittagong said he wasn’t aware of the spoofing operation. Iraq’s government did not respond to requests for comment.
Picking his way through the rubble that morning, Wai Hun Aung said he found bodies and severed limbs scattered across what had been wards and operating theaters in a 300-bed hospital.
“It felt like the end of the world,” he said in a series of audio messages, “the sound of crying from outside and the sight of the bodies inside.”
The hospital in Mrauk-U lies in ruins, but the tankers that enabled the destruction keep moving. In late January, as the Iranian protests were crushed, SynMax data showed Noble again pretending to be anchored off the southern tip of Iraq. In reality, the ship was loitering near the Iranian port of Bandar Abbas, waiting to set sail. was loaded and on its way back toward Yangon.
With international law at a ‘breaking point’, a tiny country goes after Myanmar’s junta on its own
/in NewsJust four months ago, Timor-Leste formally became a member of the Association of Southeast Asian States (ASEAN).
This week, the tiny country took an unprecedented step: its judicial authorities appointed a prosecutor to examine the Myanmar military’s responsibility for war crimes and crimes against humanity. It’s believed to be the first time an ASEAN state has taken such an action against another member.
The case resulted from the persistence of a victims’ group, the Chin Human Rights Organisation, in pursuing justice for the Chin people, a minority group in Myanmar. In submitting the complaint, the head of the organisation expressed solidarity with Timor-Leste’s own historic efforts to secure justice and independence.
Timor-Leste authorities will now assess whether to bring charges against Myanmar’s military leaders, including junta chief Min Aung Hlaing.
Any prosecutions would be on the basis of “universal jurisdiction”. This is a legal principle that allows domestic courts to hear cases alleging international crimes, regardless of where the crimes occurred, or the nationality of the victims or perpetrators.
Limitations of international courts
This week, a major study of 23 conflicts around the globe said the international legal system designed to protect civilians is at a “breaking point”. Observers are also asking whether the United Nations has any future at all.
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It has long been clear that international courts have limited efficacy in prosecuting cases of war crimes and crimes against humanity.
Critics argue the International Criminal Court (ICC) has engaged in selective prosecutions, is too slow and has weak enforcement powers. In the past 20 years, the court has heard 34 cases and issued just 13 convictions.
However, proponents of the court say it has been unfairly maligned and targeted, including by the Trump administration, which imposed sanctions on it last year.
The International Court of Justice (ICJ), meanwhile, can hold states accountable for crimes, but not individuals.
Both the ICC and ICJ have investigations underway on Myanmar, but they deal with crimes allegedly committed against the Rohingya minority group before the coup. The ICC case covers incidents committed partly in Bangladesh.
The ICC’s chief prosecutor asked the court’s judges to issue an arrest warrant for Min Aung Hlang in November 2024. More than a year later, a decision has yet to be made.
Challenges for domestic courts
In this environment, universal jurisdiction could play a more important role. The United Nations has implicitly recognised this by establishing investigative mechanisms for Syria and Myanmar that gather evidence for future prosecutions in domestic, regional or international courts.
Many states have laws that allow them to prosecute international crimes like torture, genocide or war crimes. What is lacking are resources to fund investigations and transparent criteria or guidelines for how to undertake them.
There are other challenges once cases are underway, too. For one, domestic courts have limited reach. Arrests are difficult, as high-level officials can rely on diplomatic immunity or just avoid the countries where they believe they could face prosecution or extradition.
Prosecuting even lower-level or mid-level perpetrators can be politically awkward. Cases can be expensive and practically difficult, especially when witnesses and evidence are mostly overseas.
The scale and complex nature of these crimes can also be challenging for domestic criminal courts that have limited experience with them.
And if trials go ahead, victims can still find justice elusive, even if the cases have broader strategic or symbolic aims.
Still, there have been successes. Nearly 10 years ago, the former president of Chad, Hissène Habré, was convicted of international crimes in Senegal. The case was tried using universal jurisdiction, driven by civil society networks.
More countries need to step up
This latest initiative in Timor-Leste comes after victim groups have tried many different countries to seek justice for the people of Myanmar. This includes Argentina, where arrest warrants were issued for Myanmar’s leaders, Turkey, and Germany.
In the Asia-Pacific, lawyers have also attempted to bring cases in Indonesia and the Philippines.
While European countries are increasingly using universal jurisdiction to prosecute crimes, other countries have been less keen to take these cases on. For instance, some suggest Canada and Australia could do more to investigate war crimes cases, even though they both have the laws in place to do so.
This just leaves the heavy lifting of prosecutions to others, possibly in courts with more limited resources.
With atrocities continuing to be committed around the world, it’s become more vital than ever for governments to not just back international justice with strong words, but show a real commitment to investigating them at home.
Source : theconversation