Interview: Myanmar Police Take Unyielding Detainees in Handcuffs For ‘Beatings And Torture’

Shwe Yamin Htet, 17, and her mother Sandar Win were arrested by Myanmar security forces on April 14 in Yangon’s Sanchaung township as they made their way home after participating in a morning protest in the commercial hub’s downtown area. The following day, authorities sent them to an interrogation center in Shwepyitha township. At the interrogation center, Shwe Yamin Htet was housed with other detainees, including a young women who was brutally beaten and assaulted. Authorities released Shwe Yamin Htet on Tuesday, though her mother and five others who were arrested together were charged with defamation of the state under Section 505(a) of Myanmar’s Penal Code with and sent to Insein Prison on Yangon’s outskirts.

In an exclusive interview with RFA’s Myanmar Service, Shwe Yamin Htet told reporter Aye Aye Mon about being verbally and sexually harassed by a policeman at the No. 24 police Station in Sanchaung township before she was transferred to the interrogation center. She also recounted the story of a fellow detainee who said she was brutally beaten, tortured, and sexually assaulted by a soldier at the interrogation center. The Q&A has been edited for length and clarity.

RFA: What did the police tell you this morning when they called you?

Shwe Yamin Htet: The person who called has the same voice as the person who interrogated us. They asked me to come to the No. 24 police station since I had to sign a document. I gave them the excuse that I was out of town and could not come. They asked me to come tomorrow. I said I would try, and then I hung up the phone. They had asked me to give them my address so they could come and get me because they said they needed to get the document signed in time. I have signed over 20 documents pledging that I will not get involved in these [protest] activities. I also had to sign a handwritten statement before I was released. I can avoid them, although they have demanded that I come. But I am deeply concerned that they will use my mother as a hostage to get me.

RFA: Why were you arrested?

Shwe Yamin Htet: I was arrested on April 14. I had participated in the Moh Lone Yay Paw protest at the market on 18th Street. After the protest, I went home and posted my photos [online]. Then, I proceeded to go to the next protest. I deleted most of the protests photos on my phone, except the ones from the morning. On our way, a military truck arrived and [soldiers] dragged me and my mother on board. They immediately took my mobile phone, so I didn’t get a chance to delete the photos. On the way, they met a police car and took us to No. 24 police station in Sanchaung. Unfortunately, my mother hadn’t deleted any of the protest photos on her phone since April 4. There were some revealing photos showing her shouting into a megaphone during earlier protests. There are the video files of her challenging and shouting degrading words at police during the earlier protests in Sanchaung. The policemen at the station said they recognized my mother from the earlier protests. They insisted that she tell them who was supporting her and funding her activities. At least six policemen interrogated my mother in a separate room. They didn’t ask me anything. They later told me that I would accompany my mother to the interrogation center. I was born in 2004 and am 17 years old, but I lied to them, saying that I was only 15. They called my uncle at home and asked him to bring my birth certificate to them. When he did so unknowingly, they knew that I had lied and said that I was old enough to be sent to the interrogation center. We had to sleep at the police station that night, and then they sent me to Shwepyitha the next day.

RFA: What happened when the police interrogated you?

Shwe Yamin Htet: During the interrogation at the station, I was questioned by a police officer with two stars on his uniform. A policeman with no stars on his uniform came into the room and patted me on the shoulder twice. I was so mad and hit his hand back to stop in the second time. He pulled a revolver from his pocket and put it on the table. He said I can shoot and kill you and dispose of your body. No one will know it. Then, I screamed at him, “Shoot me and kill me if you dare.” The other officer yelled at him to leave the room, saying that I was underage and that they could get in trouble. That’s the reason I was sent to the interrogation center.

RFA: What was the interrogation center like?

Shwe Yamin Htet: There are four buildings at the interrogation center. There are separate buildings for men and women detainees. The security forces live in another building. They interrogate people one by one at a table. They asked my mother about her activities and if she had connections to the CRPH [the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, a Myanmar government in exile] or if she had supported civil disobedience movement participants. She was lucky that she didn’t have any photos or other evidence that she was involved in these activities. The officer who interrogated my mother was a nice one. The women who were there before us told us to answer all the questions nicely and politely. They said if the detainees were unyielding, the officers would blindfold them and take them in handcuffs to a separate interrogation room for beatings and torture. We don’t know who the male detainees were, but we saw some of them being taken to that separate room for beatings. When they were brought back, they could barely walk because of the beatings.

RFA: Do you know what happened to some of the other detainees there?

Shwe Yamin Htet: On April 18, a 19-year-old girl arrived in the women’s hall. I don’t know her name. They asked us not to interact with the new detainees. When they interrogated her, they asked her if she had a boyfriend. The policemen always asked irrelevant personal questions. The girl answered yes and said that her boyfriend was among the male detainees. They said that if she had a boyfriend at such a young age that her parents should be made aware of it. Then they asked about her boyfriend’s ethnicity. She answered that her boyfriend was a Muslim. Then, the interrogator became furious. They asked her if she wanted to be a kalar’s [derogatory term for Muslims] wife, then they asked two other police officers to blindfold her and take her to the room to be tortured. She was brought back around 7 p.m. We were all worried and asked about her situation, but she said she hadn’t been beaten. But they did brutally beat the male detainee she claimed was her boyfriend. His name was Karvee something. She said they were not really a couple. They were caught together with some weapons, so they made up a story that they were seeing each other and that some friends give them a package to transport. Two sisters were also among the new detainees. A male detainee named Robert earlier had given authorities information about the two sisters, and they went to their home in South Okkala township to arrest them. One of the sisters was underage. Three interrogators questioned the older sister, and two others questioned the younger one in the women’s building.

Around 4 a.m., a new female detainee arrived. She had been brutally tortured. The 19-year-old girl told us about her earlier because they were arrested together. The authorities didn’t beat her, but they pulled the hair of the other one and beat her. The soldiers accused them of being responsible for a bomb blast in Yankin township a few days earlier since they found some slingshots and smoke bombs when they arrested them. That woman also had a list of donors and participants and their addresses. The soldiers brutally beat her, saying that two soldiers had been killed by the blast and that she was responsible. They pulled her onto the road and dragged her. The 19-year-old said they had also sexually assaulted her. She said the woman was beaten with a metal pipe and was kicked in her groin. She said she was later sent to another interrogation center [and] asked to reveal the persons on her list.

RFA: How bad was the woman’s situation?

Shwe Yamin Htet: When she arrived at the interrogation center, she could barely walk or eat. Her face was brutally bruised, and her lips were split. We tried to help her and feed her. We gave her some medicine we had. She recounted what they had done to her. It is the same as what the 19-year-old had told us. Her eyes were bruised, but she could still see. She said her vagina was bleeding due to the kicking. If they had kept on beating her and conducting a long interrogation session, I don’t think she would have survived. There was no proper medicine or treatment available there for her injuries. Her condition could become critical.

Reported by Aye Aye Mon for RFA’s Myanmar Service. Translated by Ye Kaung Myint Maung. Written in English by Roseanne Gerin.

RFA Burmese

Open Letter to ASEAN Leaders: Recommendations from CSOs in Myanmar and in Southeast Asia to the ASEAN Special Summit on Myanmar

22 April 2021

Open Letter to ASEAN Leaders: Recommendations from CSOs in Myanmar and in Southeast Asia to the ASEAN Special Summit on Myanmar

To: Leaders of the Member States of the Association of the Southeast Asian Nations  (ASEAN)

Dear Excellencies,

In alignment with the upcoming special ASEAN Summit on Myanmar on 24 April 2021, we, the undersigned XX civil society organisations in Myanmar and in other Southeast Asian nations, call on the ASEAN, its leaders and Member States to come up with an effective and sustainable strategy jointly with the United Nations Security Council, the United Nations Human Rights Council, the International Criminal Court (ICC), and other international community actors when addressing the illegitimate and brutal coup and atrocity crimes committed by the military junta in Myanmar.

We welcome the decision to hold the ASEAN Special Summit on Myanmar, based on the proposal made by President Joko Widodo of the Republic of Indonesia to discuss the worsening situation in Myanmar following the violent crackdowns against peaceful protesters and the terror campaign against civilians launched by the junta. The decision which hopefully constitutes a precedent and reflects the commitment of ASEAN Member States leaders to address Myanmar’s appalling situation using its highest-level policy-making body.

However, in view of ASEAN Member States’ differing position on the coup in Myanmar, we remain concerned that the ASEAN Summit’s response will be to consider the crisis as being within Myanmar’s domestic affairs and therefore deciding to refrain from any meaningful action in line with the “ASEAN Way” of non-interference and overzealous respect for state sovereignty.

The differing positions of ASEAN Member States has made it difficult for ASEAN to reach a consensus and resulted in equivocations and delayed responses from ASEAN, while the military junta continued its deliberate, murderous attacks on Myanmar’s people, much to our sorrow and anger. As evidenced from the outputs produced by the Informal ASEAN Foreign Ministers Meeting (IAFMM), ASEAN responses fall well short of meeting the will of the people of Myanmar. The chair statement of IAFMM meeting neither specifically publicly called out the junta’s brutality nor called for stronger cooperation with the UN Security Council and Human Rights Council. Further, it also fails to mention ASEAN’s commitment to supporting targeted economic sanctions against military personnel and business and global arms embargo and referral of Myanmar situation to International Criminal Court (ICC).

With the different interest and political will of ASEAN Member States at the moment, we are concerned to what extent the ASEAN Special Summit can create an immediate and meaningful intervention to resolve the situation of Myanmar. ASEAN’s collective and meaningful action to uphold democracy is warranted at this time. Any decision by the ASEAN Leaders to treat the military junta as the legitimate representative of Myanmar in the Summit will serve to legitimize the military junta’s crimes and will thus damage not only the relationship of ASEAN with the people of Myanmar but the movement for democracy and human rights in the region as a whole.

Further, The ASEAN and its Member States must recognise the legitimacy of the National Unity Government, the legitimate and democratically-elected government of Myanmar, given that it represents the 76% of elected Member of Union Parliament, ethnic leaders, the civil disobedience movement, and general strike committees endorsed by the people of Myanmar. Therefore, Myanmar must be represented by the National Unity Government; not by the illegal junta who is trying to take full control of the country through unprecedented brutality.

As we send this letter to the ASEAN Leaders, the violence and killings by the Myanmar military against protesters continue with no sign of abating. The junta have so far arbitrarily arrested 3229 people and killed 737, including women, elderly people and children.1 In Karen and Kachin ethnic areas, the junta has been bombing villages, displacing more than 20,000 villagers. Given the gravity of the situation, the increasing number of victims, and the impact of the crisis on the region’s security and political stability, we urge ASEAN to take firm and effective actions to address the Myanmar coup through the ASEAN Special Summit.

We urge all ASEAN leaders to listen to, to strongly consider, and to heed to the aspirations and will of the peoples of Myanmar. The voices of Myanmar people who have risked their lives in defense for democracy and justice must be the anchor, the conscience, behind any modality and outcome of the ASEAN Special Summit on Myanmar.

Therefore, in solidarity with the peoples of Myanmar, we we call on the ASEAN Leaders to immediately take the following action:

  •  Reject the presence of illegitimate military junta as the representative of Myanmar in the Summit;
  •  Give the seat of Myanmar in the ASEAN Summit to its legitimate representative, the National Unity Government;
  •  Call for all violence against citizens and peaceful demonstrators to cease, for the release of all political prisoners, including human rights defenders, protesters and protest leaders and journalists, and the lifting of all restrictions on the internet and on communications more generally;
  •  Establish a solid and coordinated response between ASEAN, the United Nations Security Council and the United Nations Human Rights Council with the aim of sending a joint delegation to Myanmar to monitor the situation, stopping the violence and helping negotiate a democratic and human rights-based solution;
  •  Fully support initiatives by the international community to impose a global arms embargo and targeted economic sanctions against the military, their personnel and business entities related to them and for the UN Security Council to refer the Myanmar situation to the ICC;
  •  Ensure access for humanitarian aid and health support to all affected areas in Myanmar including opening cross-border humanitarian aid corridors;
  •  Put the safety, security, and wellbeing of Myanmar asylum seekers and refugees, including the Rohingya, as one of its priorities;
  •  ASEAN countries must not return Myanmar migrant workers back home regardless of  their status. ASEAN destination countries should extend the Myanmar migrant workers employment contracts for another year or more;
  •  Take substantial measures against Myanmar, including suspending Myanmar’s membership of ASEAN. ASEAN shall only lift the suspension once the military junta accepts the authority of National Unity Government, the military places itself fully, permanently and unconditionally under NUG control, the junta is brought to the ICC, and the democracy is fully established.

Only by moving beyond the “ASEAN Way” of consensus and non-interference can ASEAN intervene in the Myanmar situation in a meaningful and robust way. Myanmar is on the verge of becoming a failed state., and it is in ASEAN’s best interest to take a firm stance on these urgent and distressful developments. Failure to do so risks not only further damaging ASEAN’s reputation as an effective regional body that can meaningfully contribute to a solid, just, humane and viable community of nations but will undermine ASEAN’s efforts to achieve its vision and mission of community building.


1 Data from the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) as of 18 April 2021

Myanmar Regime Disputes Protest-Related Death Toll Compiled by AAPP

After being accused of inflating the fatality lists, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) said it can totally guarantee the death toll it has documented.

AAPP, a human rights organization founded in 2000, has been documenting the fatalities and arrests at the hands of the military regime’s forces following the Feb. 1coup.

Citing the records of its police force, the military regime said via state-owned television and newspapers on Monday and Tuesday that only 258 people were killed between Feb. 1 and April. 15.

Meanwhile, the AAPP announced that a total of 726 people have been killed by the junta.

The junta also maintained that of its total of 258, 247 were killed during counter-attacks by the regime’s forces when they were assaulted while removing roadblocks.

The other 11 died under different circumstances, the regime said.

The military regime also denied responsibility for the death of 20-year-old high school student Ma Mya Thwet Thwet Khine, who was hit with a live bullet in Naypyitaw on Feb. 10, when riot police dispersed protesters.

It also denied responsibility for killing a 19-year-old girl, Kyal Sin, who was shot in the head during a crackdown on an anti-regime protest in Mandalay in March.

The regime said in state-run newspapers on Tuesday that both girls died because protesters were shooting at each other.

The military regime also claimed that the AAPP had listed 76 more fatalities in Bago on April 9 without having any personal information.

The regime said that only four “rioters”—the military’s euphemism for anti-regime protesters—were killed and 36 were arrested during the April 9 raids at Bago, which is 98 kilometers from Yangon.

About 4 a.m. that day, more than 250 of the military regime’s troops launched attacks on four residential wards—Shinsawpu, Hmawkan, Nantawyar and Ponnasu—which are anti-regime strongholds in Bago.

While trying to remove roadblocks erected with sandbags by the anti-regime protesters to protect the protest assembly areas, troops opened fire with automatic weapons and heavy explosives against defense team members and night watchmen guarding the areas.

Photos also show the tail of a rifle grenade and some unexploded rifle grenades found by local residents.

The junta’s troops deployed in the wards for days, and all entrances into the wards were closed with police lines. The forces continued shooting in the wards until April 11, according to a Bago resident.

The wards were deserted as no one dared to go outside, and many of residents had fled their homes.

No ambulances and social organizations giving medical assistance and free funeral services were able to go into the wards to pick up the dead or give medical treatment to the wounded.

U San Min, who is in charge of the documentation and research department of AAPP, told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday that the regime’s forces have destroyed all trace of evidence on the massacre in Bago on April 9.

However, the AAPP has received the personal information on 27 out of the 82 killed by the junta’s troops in Bago that day, he added.

AAPP also said that they are still verifying the personal information on the other 55 killed.

According to U San Min, AAPP is documenting all deaths caused by the regime’s forces during their raids, crackdowns, interrogation and shootings, verifying each case.

“We have listed the death toll thoroughly. So, the numbers will never be inflated. Actually, the numbers are believed to be higher than the recorded lists as there are many cases [in which] we don’t have information,” U San Min said.

As of Monday, nearly 740 people have been killed by the junta’s forces during their raids, crackdowns, arrested and random shooting.

Those killed are included anti-regime protesters, NLD party members, bystanders, pedestrians and civilians, said AAPP.

More than 3,200 people including elected leaders, NLD party members, election commissioners, doctors, protesters, journalists, writers, artists and civilian have been detained.

In spite of the killings and arrests, tens of thousands of people across Myanmar continue to take to the streets to protest against the military rule.

Irrawaddy News

Myanmar Mother Prays for Tortured Daughter

Myanmar’s regime has been killing and detaining those who oppose military rule. On April 17, as Myanmar marked its new year, junta forces detained six people from No. 4 Ward in Yankin Township, Yangon.

The military-run media reported that arms, including homemade bombs, were seized with the six detainees. It broadcast photos suggesting they had been badly beaten.

The Irrawaddy interviewed Daw Hla Hla Soe, the mother of one of the detainees, Ma Khin Nyein Thu, 31.

How was Ma Khin Nyein Thu held?

I don’t live with my daughter so I only know what her neighbors told me. Police and soldiers arrived on Saturday night and searched homes in their neighborhood. My daughter and five others were detained.

What is Ma Khin Nyein Thu’s stance?

It is like many other people. She is demanding democracy.

We heard Ma Khin Nyein Thu studied abroad. When did she arrive back in Myanmar?

She studied in the UK for around five years, specializing in performance art. She arrived back nearly seven years ago.

The Myawaddy and MRTV channels suggested they had been severely beaten. What do you want to say about it as a mother?

I didn’t watch the broadcasts. But I can feel what she is going through now. I am a Christian and I believe in God. I am praying for her. I don’t expect much but I want her to live. I am praying for all of them to be saved by God.

What do you want to say about the torture? 

It is unacceptable. I heard that they were sent from Yankin police station to the Shwepyithar detention center, which is a tough place. They may suffer there. After interrogation, I heard they will probably be sent to Insein Prison. I wish they will be released and receive medical treatment.

I wish God hears my prayers. My thoughts are with the suffering hearts of other parents.

If you didn’t see the broadcast, have you seen your daughter’s face?

I saw her at the police station on April 18. One of her friends informed me about her abduction. I couldn’t go out that night due to the curfew. So the following day, I waited outside Yankin police station. I saw her coming out with two police officers.

I shouted to her and as she turned around and I saw her face. I felt her pain. She could not walk well. I heard the torture is tougher in Shwepyithar and I fear she is suffering now. I don’t want to see the photos. My daughter’s home is close to the police station so I rushed there whenever I heard she was being transferred [to Shwepyithar].

Had Ma Khin Nyein Thu already been tortured at the police station?

Her face was quite swollen that morning. I could only see her from a distance. She could only walk slowly and her face was swollen.

They were transferred on Sunday afternoon. She called me from the police station, saying they would be transferred to Insein. But I heard they were sent to Shwepyithar. I went to Insein Prison on Monday and was told they weren’t there.

Irrawaddy News

ND-Burma Situation Update 12-18 April

Protests continued across #Myanmar as the people resist the military coup through #flashstrikes🔦 & more. A National Unity Government was announced as pressure has been put on #ASEAN to not recognize the junta SAC-government. More in our weekly update

CHRO WELCOMES FORMATION OF NATIONAL UNITY GOVERNMENT (NUG) OF BURMA/MYANMAR

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
17 APRIL 2021
CHRO WELCOMES FORMATION OF NATIONAL UNITY GOVERNMENT (NUG) OF BURMA/MYANMAR
The Chin Human Rights Organization (CHRO) today welcomes the formation of the National Unity Government (NUG) by the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) – a representative body made up of parliamentarians duly elected from the 2020 elections. The formation of NUG represents a historic milestone in the struggle for freedom, human rights, equality and democracy for all the peoples of Burma/Myanmar.
CHRO wishes to take this opportunity to congratulate all the duly elected members of the NUG and send our best wishes as they strive to provide new direction of leadership for a wounded nation that still finds itself in the midst of chaos, bloodshed and immense grief. All the peoples of Burma/Myanmar regardless of ethnicity, religion or political affiliations, should now stand united firmly behind the NUG and boldly move together to confront the junta leaders to deny them the legitimacy and capability they need to gain effective control of the rein of government through illegal and violent means.
The peoples of Burma/Myanmar have never come closer to realizing their aspirations for federalism and democracy in nearly the last three quarters of a century than this momentous time. And the formation of the NUG at this particularly significant time provides vitally important impetus towards political self-determination, peace, prosperity and democracy. The NUG must now seize this historic opportunity to learn from past mistakes of successive governments, civilian or military, to focus on addressing the root causes of structural injustices in order to forge a truly united front that can chart a new course towards ethnic political equality under a federal political framework.
“With the NUG having now emerged to provide a credible and brighter alternative to the ever darker and destabilizing prospects presented by the junta, the international community has a unique opportunity and obligation to collectively recognize the NUG as the only legitimate government of Burma/Myanmar,” says Salai Bawi Lian Mang, Executive Director of CHRO.
Burma/Myanmar’s future now hangs in the balance. The country’s peaceful democratic future is woven into the need to promote and strengthen the ideals of federalism, civilian supremacy, the rule of law and respect for human rights and the rights of minorities It is high time to reject in its totality the Tatmadaw’s unrelenting quest for eternal domination over Burmese/Myanmar politics and to seek a new beginning with a new and rebuilt military as a truly respected and professional institution whose sole mission is to defend and protect all the peoples of Burma/Myanmar. Towards this end, it is high time for those in the military and members of the uniform services to break ranks and shift their allegiance to a more hopeful future provided by the NUG than that promised by leaders of the junta, whose sole interests lies in entrenching their oligarchy and enriching their immediate family members.#
For more information please contact:
Email: info@chinhumanrights.org,
Tel: +91 9362 297958