ND Burma
ND-Burma formed in 2004 in order to provide a way for Burma human rights organizations to collaborate on the human rights documentation process. The 13 ND-Burma member organizations seek to collectively use the truth of what communities in Burma have endured to advocate for justice for victims. ND-Burma trains local organizations in human rights documentation; coordinates members’ input into a common database using Martus, a secure open-source software; and engages in joint-advocacy campaigns.
Recent Posts
- Executive Director: Statement on UNOPS operations in Myanmar
- Support Myanmar’s displaced communities through border-based aid and legal protection – Stop the Myanmar military junta’s atrocities fueling mass displacement
- Myanmar flood submerges Ponngyun IDP camp, displacing over 1,000 and triggering urgent need for aid
- Airbus divests from Chinese arms company following global campaign
- Crimes Against Humanity
Women in Karenni State face increasing levels of violence
/in NewsThree civilians were killed by airstrikes at the Sin-Sakhan (Elephant) Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camp in Loikaw Township of Karenni State on Tuesday.
“They deliberately targeted this area,” said a spokesperson from Jobs For Kayah, a group providing humanitarian aid at IDP camps in Karenni State.
The victims included a 40-year-old woman who was killed instantly, along with a woman and child who died after receiving medical treatment for their wounds sustained during three reported airstrikes.
An airstrike was also carried out in Demoso Township, 10 miles (16 km) south of the Karenni State capital Loikaw, on Dec. 31. There were no reported casualties, according to local aid groups.
The Institute for Strategy and Policy – Myanmar (ISP-Myanmar), an independent conflict monitor, stated that the military has conducted over 7,000 airstrikes on more than 150 townships in Myanmar since the 2021 coup.
It added that there have been approximately 2,000 civilian casualties caused by airstrikes. The number of civilians killed in Karenni State is unknown, but this level of violence inflicted on IDPs by the military over the last three years of conflict – since the uprising to the 2021 coup began – has caused collective trauma.
The Karenni National Women’s Organization (KNWO) reported that domestic violence cases have doubled in 2024 compared to pre-2021 levels, with 101 documented incidents in the last 12 months that include physical violence, psychological abuse, and sexual assault.
“Domestic violence cases have significantly increased since the military coup. The economic hardships faced by displaced families have contributed to rising tensions within households,” said Maw Byar Mar Oo, the KNWO vice president.
Approximately 200,000 civilians – over half of Karenni State’s population – are currently displaced from their homes due to the conflict and are staying temporarily in IDP camps.
“I’ve witnessed children being abused despite their innocence. Married couples fight because we can’t make ends meet. We’re truly jobless here. Many of us can’t access our farmlands anymore. We have no fields, no crops, nothing,” said a woman who was displaced from her home in Karenni State.
Aid workers and women’s rights groups have reported that the psychological impact of airstrikes on the local civilian population staying at IDP camps has caused the levels of domestic violence against women and children to escalate rapidly since 2021.
DVB News
Reparation (Cartoon Animation)
/in Cartoon Animationအခြေခံအယူအဆ
• အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးဆိုင်ရာ တရားမျှမှု (TJ) လုပ်ငန်းစဥ်များထဲမှာ တခုမှာ “ပြန်လည်ကုစားပေး လျော်မှု (Reparation)” ဖြစ်သည်။
• ပြန်လည်ကုစားပေးလျော်မှုကို အတိတ်ကာလက လူ့အခွင့်အရေး အကြီးအကျယ်ချိုးဖောက်ခံ ရသူများ နှင့် ၎င်းတို့၏ မိသားစုများအတွက် နစ်နာခဲ့မှုများကို အသိအမှတ်ပြုကာ ကုစားပေး ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။
• ပြန်လည်ကုစားပေးလျော်မှု (Reparation) ကို နစ်နာသူ တဦးချင်းကို ပေးအပ်ခြင်းနှင့် နစ်နာသူ လူအုပ်စုအလိုက် ပေးအပ်ခြင်းမျိုး ဆောင်ရွက်လေ့ရှိသည်။
• ပြန်လည်ကုစားပေးလျော်မှုကို အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးကာလတွင် တရားဝင်ဖွဲ့စည်းပေးသည့် အမှန်တ ရားနှင့်ပြန်လည်သင့်မြတ်ရေးကော်မရှင် (TRC) များ၏ တွေ့ရှိချက်နှင့် အကြံပြုချက် များအပေါ် အခြေခံ၍ နစ်နာသူများအပေါ် သက်ဆိုင်ရာ အစိုးရများက ဆောင် ရွက်ပေးကြ သည်။ ပြန်လည်ကုစားပေးလျော်မှု (Reparation) အမျိုးအစားများမှာ-
• ပေးလျော်ခြင်း (Compensation) • ပြည်လည်ဖြည့်ဆည်းပေးခြင်း (Restitution)
• ပြန်လည်ထူထောင်ပေးခြင်း (Rehabilitation)
• ကျေနပ်နှစ်သိမ့်မှု (Satisfaction) (အသိအမှတ်ပြုခြင်း၊ အထိမ်းအမှတ် အမှတ်တရများ စိုက်ထူခြင်း၊ ပြတိုက်များ တည်ဆောက်ပြသခြင်း)။
UN Secretary General: Act Now To Prevent Famine in Rakhine State
/in NewsBurma Campaign UK is urging UN Secretary General António Guterres to travel to Bangladesh to negotiate the opening of aid and trade routes into Rakhine State, Burma.
In November the United Nations Development Programme warned of impending famine in Rakhine State.
The aid and trade embargo imposed by the Burmese military on areas of Rakhine State which it no longer occupies is a deliberate tactic to use starvation as a tool of oppression.
Rakhine State (also known as Arakan State) is in western Burma, bordering Bangladesh in the North. The largest ethnic group there are Rakhine, but many ethnic and religious minorities live there, including the Rohingya.
The Arakha Army, mostly made up of ethnic Rakhine people, has been fighting to free the state from Burmese military rule and has taken over large parts of the state. The Burmese military have used every tactic they can to try to weaken resistance to their occupation of Rakhine State. They have launched indiscriminate airstrikes and artillery attacks, exploited ethnic and religious tensions to try to divide and rule, and placed strict restrictions on aid and trade, including medicines, seeds and fertiliser, into the areas where they have lost control.
By spring 2025 it is predicted the state will only produce 20% of the food it needs. This is on top of well over 600,000 people who have already fled their homes and jobs (1). Around 250,000 of those are Rohingya, many of whom have fled not just attacks by the Burmese military, but also attacks by the Arakha Army. The Burmese military-imposed trade embargo is creating mass unemployment, and blocking essentials like medicine and agricultural supplies.
The personal intervention of the UN Secretary General provides the best hope of garnering momentum for the significant changes in approach that are required. A business-as-usual approach to this crisis, delegating responsibility to UN agencies or envoys, will not work. It hasn’t worked in the past regarding previous crises. There is no evidential basis to believe this time will be any different.
Trying to negotiate with the Burmese military to allow greater humanitarian access and lift trade restrictions into the areas of Rakhine State now administered by the Arakha Army will not succeed in alleviating this crisis.
The Burmese military is already placing some of the most severe restrictions and conditions on humanitarian aid seen anywhere in the world. These restrictions violate international law. The Burmese military will attempt to leverage the maximum advantage from the process of negotiations, forcing UN and other agencies to submit to extreme conditionality for the sake of limited access.
Instead, a humanitarian corridor from Bangladesh needs to be opened. This should already have happened months ago in response to the growing number of internally displaced people.
“Two million people face starvation, but with political will this is preventable,” said Mark Farmaner, Director of Burma Campaign UK. “Preventing an impending crisis like this is exactly what the role of the UN Secretary General is for. The United Nations and international community have a track record of failing to act to prevent crises in Burma. Will the UN Secretary General António Guterres allow famine to happen in the same state where the UN failed to act on warnings of Rohingya genocide?”
Burma Campaign UK has launched a petition to UN Secretary General António Guterres calling on him to travel to Bangladesh to open negotiations for aid and trade corridors into Rakhine State.
Burma Camping UK
Sold to China
/in ND-Burma Members' ReportsTrafficking of women from throughout Burma to be forced brides in China
This report, based on interviews with 187 female trafficking survivors assisted by KWAT between 2019 and 2023,
reveals that the demand for brides continues to be the main factor fuelling trafficking of women from Burma to
China, and that women from throughout Burma are being trafficked for this purpose
Number of bride trafficking survivors assisted by KWAT in 2019 tripled from the previous year, before decreasing
due to border closures and travel restrictions as a result of the Covid pandemic and escalated conflict after the
2021 military coup in Burma
–
during which time women began being trafficked to Chinese-run cyber scam
centers in northeast Shan State.
Over half of all bride trafficking survivors came from states and regions of Burma not adjoining China, unlike in
previous years, when most survivors came from Kachin or northern Shan State.
Most of the survivors were recruited in person, by relatives or “friends” linked to the extensive trafficking
networks that have developed across Burma and China as a result of decades of bride trafficking. Many brokers
were themselves originally trafficked as brides to China.
Most women were offered well-paying jobs at factories or farms in China to lure them across the border before
being forced to be brides. Increased smuggling of workers from Burma to meet factory labour demands in China’s
eastern industrial zones has been useful for traffickers, both as a pretext to entice women across the border, and
enabling them to prey on those already in China.
Civil Society Position Paper on ASEAN’s Goal of a Myanmar-Owned and -Led Solution
/in HR Situation, NewsRecommendations to ASEAN and Its Member States
(1) Move beyond the 5PC to achieve a Myanmar people-led and people-centered solution to the
crisis in Myanmar. ASEAN’s “Myanmar-owned and -led” approach must be backed by genuine
political will that aligns with and supports the collective aspirations of the people of Myanmar.
(2) Cease all pressure on Myanmar’s revolutionary forces and civil society to join any processes
to engage or compromise with the illegitimate military junta, and support a locally led political
consultation process that entirely excludes the junta.
(3) End all engagements, including economic and military engagements, with the military junta
and engage formally with the legitimate representatives of Myanmar.
(4) Publicly denounce and end all support for, or plans to support, the military junta’s sham
election.
(5) Provide humanitarian aid for internally displaced persons (IDPs) in collaboration with
legitimate stakeholders and civil society groups through cross-border channels.
(6) Join the ongoing international and Myanmar people’s efforts to hold the Myanmar military
accountable under international law for its commission of war crimes, crimes against
humanity, and genocide.
ASEAN must support Myanmar federal democracy building and justice seeking
/in Press Releases and StatementsASEAN must support Myanmar federal democracy building and justice seeking
Myanmar civil society urges ASEAN to pursue Myanmar people-led solution to crisis
Today, the Myanmar National Organizing Committee for ACSC/APF (Myanmar NOC) launched the Civil Society Position Paper Addressing ASEAN’s Goal of a “Myanmar-Owned and -Led Solution,” endorsed by 260 civil society organizations. The Position Paper provides a critical analysis of ASEAN leaders’ decision to maintain the dead-on-arrival Five Point Consensus (5PC), explicates the requirements of a genuinely “Myanmar-owned and -led solution” to the country’s crisis, and offers key recommendations to ASEAN.
Since its adoption in April 2021, ASEAN’s 5PC has proven extremely harmful to the Myanmar people in its futile attempt to address the junta-caused crisis in Myanmar. Despite repeated calls from Myanmar, regional, and international civil society to move beyond the 5PC, on 9 October 2024, ASEAN leaders announced their decision to “maintain the 5PC as the main reference to address the political crisis in Myanmar.”
In that decision, ASEAN leaders hypocritically claimed that their goal is “to help the people of Myanmar to achieve an inclusive and durable peaceful resolution that is Myanmar-owned and -led,” while in reality ASEAN continues to fail to align with the people’s efforts and sacrifices to dismantle military tyranny and establish an inclusive federal democracy. In recent months, ASEAN has allowed the junta to represent Myanmar, lending the junta false legitimacy as if it were a state authority. ASEAN has also continued to enable the junta’s access to cash, arms, and aviation fuel—thereby deepening ASEAN’s complicity in the junta’s atrocity crimes against Myanmar’s peoples.
This Position Paper responds directly to ASEAN’s October 2024 decision in which ASEAN leaders also stated their intention to accelerate “informal consultations” in the name of “an inclusive and durable peaceful resolution that is Myanmar-owned and -led.” ASEAN’s course of action clearly aims to impose quick-fix solutions for its state-centric approach to stability, which will only keep Myanmar trapped in a cycle of violence and military tyranny. Any involvement or engagement of the junta for the future of Myanmar is untenable and contravenes the reality on the ground where townships covering 86% of the country’s territory are not under stable control of the junta.
The reality is that the only path to an inclusive and sustainable peace in Myanmar is by completely dismantling the criminal military institution and establishing civilian-led federal democratic governance that ensures equal power-sharing and guarantees human rights for all. It is therefore in ASEAN’s best interest to support the people’s will and efforts to achieve these goals.
The Position Paper proposes six key recommendations to ASEAN for concrete actions that genuinely support the people of Myanmar. First and foremost, ASEAN must move beyond the 5PC to achieve a Myanmar people-led and people-centered solution to the crisis. This means unequivocally supporting the Myanmar people’s goals to fully dismantle the criminal military institution and establish an inclusive federal democracy. To do so, ASEAN must cease all pressure on Myanmar’s revolutionary forces and civil society to engage or compromise with the illegitimate military junta; stop any plan to support the junta’s illegal sham election; recognize Myanmar’s legitimate representatives, including the National Unity Government, Ethnic Resistance Organizations, and federal units; and support a locally led political consultation process that entirely excludes the junta.
Kyi, Secretary of Queers of Burma Alternative, member of the Myanmar NOC, said: “The military junta has been waging a systematic nationwide campaign of terror against the people of Myanmar for nearly four years, including airstrikes, massacres, and sexual violence. In the face of the military’s horrific violence, the people of Myanmar have made their demands of ASEAN unmistakably clear. It’s time for ASEAN to live up to its own pledges regarding the principles of democracy and human rights enshrined in its own Charter, and to stand firmly on the side of the Myanmar people. ASEAN must support the people’s efforts to dismantle military tyranny for good and establish a federal democracy where equality, dignity, and justice are a reality for all peoples of Myanmar.”
Bo Bo, Executive Director of Generation Wave, member of the Myanmar NOC, said: “ASEAN’s Five-Point Consensus (5PC) has completely failed to provide any solutions to the military junta-caused crisis. The junta has blatantly disregarded the 5PC and only escalated its violence, ramping up its international crimes against civilians across the country as a tactic to defeat the democratic resistance movement against its tyranny. By continuing to rely on the failed 5PC, ASEAN has severely undermined the people’s efforts for a sustainable peace, ultimately resulting in a complete lack of trust from the Myanmar people. ASEAN must immediately move beyond the 5PC, end all engagements with the military junta, and unequivocally denounce the junta’s plans for a sham election.”
Mulan, Head of Blood Money Campaign, member of the Myanmar NOC, said: “Over the past year, the military junta has escalated its airstrikes targeting civilians across the country, and ASEAN has only deepened its complicity in these atrocities. According to Amnesty International, between January and June this year, at least two shipments of aviation fuel reached the junta after being transported through Vietnam, a member state of ASEAN. Meanwhile, the Myanmar military is facing allegations of atrocity crimes at the International Criminal Court, the International Court of Justice, and in Argentina. ASEAN must stop aiding and abetting the junta’s atrocity crimes against the people. Instead, ASEAN must join current international efforts to hold the Myanmar military accountable under international law, in addition to supporting federal democracy building in Myanmar.”
Download the full position paper here.
For more information, please contact:
About the Myanmar National Organizing Committee for ACSC/APF: Myanmar National Organizing Committee for the ASEAN Civil Society Conference/ASEAN People’s Forum (ACSC/APF) comprises 18 civil society organizations: Action Committee for Democracy Development (ACDD); Association of Human Rights Defenders and Promoters (HRDP); Athan – Freedom of Expression Activist Organization; Blood Money Campaign (BMC); Creative Home (CH); Equality Myanmar (EQMM); Generation Wave (GW); Generations’ Solidarity Coalition of Nationalities (GSCN); Justice & Equality Focus; Kyae Lak Myay; Network for Human Rights Documentation – Burma (ND-Burma); Nyan Lynn Thit Analytica; Progressive Voice (PV); Queers of Burma Alternative (QBA); Rohingya Maìyafuìnor Collaborative Network (RMCN); Women Advocacy Coalition – Myanmar (WAC-M); Women’s League of Burma (WLB); and Yangon Medical Network (YMN).
Download PDF in English.