ND Burma
ND-Burma formed in 2004 in order to provide a way for Burma human rights organizations to collaborate on the human rights documentation process. The 13 ND-Burma member organizations seek to collectively use the truth of what communities in Burma have endured to advocate for justice for victims. ND-Burma trains local organizations in human rights documentation; coordinates members’ input into a common database using Martus, a secure open-source software; and engages in joint-advocacy campaigns.
Recent Posts
- INTERVIEW: Why an Argentine court filed a warrant for Aung San Suu Kyi’s arrest
- Myanmar junta bombs rebel wedding, at least 10 killed
- Press Statement: Argentine Court’s arrest warrants are welcome progress towards justice
- OPEN LETTER: UN HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL MUST TAKE CONCRETE ACTION TO SUPPORT THE MYANMAR PEOPLE’S EFFORTS TO BUILD A RIGHTS-PROTECTING FUTURE
- Human rights and transitional justice
Oral update by Ms. Yanghee Lee, Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar at the 38th session of the Human Rights Council
/in News27 June 2018
Mr President, distinguished representatives, ladies and gentlemen,
I am honoured to once again address this Council to present my oral progress report pursuant to the HRC resolution 37/32 on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. The resolution mandates me to “continue to monitor the situation of human rights” and to “measure progress in the implementation of the recommendations of the Special Rapporteur”. Read more
International Day in Support of Victims of Torture, 26 June 2018
/in Press Releases and StatementsInternational Day in Support of Victims of Torture, 26 June 2018
Addressing the Needs of Torture Survivors
is Key to Building Peace and Democracy
Women’s League of Burma (WLB), Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma (ND-Burma), the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners (AAPP), the Vimutti Women’s Organization (VWO) and Asia Justice and Rights (AJAR) are calling for an end to torture, and for rehabilitation of torture survivors.
WLB, ND-Burma, AAPP, VWO and AJAR are jointly organising a public event in Yangon to mark the International Day in Support of Victims of Torture. The event will be held from 1:30-3:30pm at Free Funeral Service Society. At the event, participants will show their solidarity with survivors of torture and raise awareness on the needs of victims. The Burmese language version of the United Nations Convention Against Torture (CAT) produced by AAPP will also be distributed to the public.
Torture is not a practice of the past; it continues to be used in Myanmar by State actors, in particular in ethnic areas affected by current conflicts. Torture is still used during detention and interrogation, often in an effort to procure information or to force confessions. Villagers suspected of being affiliated with ethnic armed groups are frequently captured by military and tortured indiscriminately. Torture also includes acts of sexual violence. It is the government’s responsibility to stop and prevent torture in its jurisdiction.
The government must ratify the United Nations Convention Against Torture, and other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT). It would be an important first step in ending the practice of torture in Myanmar. It would also be a symbolic pledge of solidarity with survivors.
Torture survivors have a right to reparations and support. Many face ongoing and serious health problems. Access to medical care is an urgent need. Other needs include psychosocial support, vocational training, and public acknowledgement. Reparations and addressing the needs of torture survivors must be priorities of the government. They should be items for discussion in parliament and must be included in current peace process discussions.
In order to demonstrate its commitment to eliminating the practice of torture, we call on the government of Myanmar to:
Yangon, 26 June 2018
WLB, ND-Burma, AAPP, VWO and AJAR
Contact persons:
• Lway Poe Ngeal, WLB, 0978 132 9742
• U Aung Myo Kyaw, AAPP, 09428117348
• Khin Mi Mi Khine, VWO, 0979 543 9108
About Women’s League of Burma (WLB) www.womenofburma.org
The Women’s League of Burma (WLB) is an umbrella organization comprised of 13 women’s organizations of different ethnic backgrounds from Burma. WLB was founded on 9th December 1999. Its mission is to work for women’s empowerment and advancement of the status of women, and to work for the increased participation of women in all spheres of society in the democracy movement, and in peace and national reconciliation process through capacity building, advocacy, research and documentation.
About ND-Burma www.nd-burma.org
ND-Burma formed in 2004 in order to provide a way for Burma human rights organizations to collaborate on the human rights documentation process. Seven member organizations and nine affiliate organizations seek to collectively use the truth of what communities in Burma have endured to challenge the regime’s power through present-day advocacy as well as prepare for justice and accountability measures in a potential transition. ND-Burma conducts fieldwork trainings; coordinates members’ input into a common database using Martus, open-source software developed by Benetech; and engages in joint-advocacy campaigns. When possible, ND-Burma also collaborates with other human rights organizations in all aspects of its work.
About Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) www.aappb.org
AAPP was founded in 2000 by former political prisoners living in exile on the Thai/Burma border. Since then, the organization has been run by former political prisoners, and has opened offices inside Myanmar in Rangoon and Mandalay. AAPP advocates and lobbies for the release of remaining political prisoners and for the improvement of the lives of political prisoners after their release. The various assistance programs for political prisoners and their family members are aimed at ensuring they have access to education, vocational trainings, mental health counseling and healthcare.
About Vimutti Women’s Organization (VWO)
Vimutti Women’s Organization (VWO) is a community-based organization, which was created in 2009. Vimutti is a Pali word (Myanmar ancient literature), which means “freedom”. All VWO members are socially minded volunteers. VWO is very active in communities doing social work, humanitarian support, and providing educational charity to children from poverty-stricken families. VWO is directly engaging with vulnerable people to create a healthy societal environment through research, advocacy, networking, and improving their collective capacity development. VWO has a special program for strengthening women former political prisoners.
About Asia Justice And Rights (AJAR) www.asia-ajar.org
AJAR is a regional human rights organization based in Jakarta. AJAR works to increase the capacity of local and national organization in the fight against entrenched impunity and to contribute to building cultures based on accountability, justice and a willingness to learn from the root causes of mass human rights violations in Asia Pacific region.
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World Refugee Day
/in NewsJune 20, 2018
HURFOM: Today on World Refugee Day, HURFOM honors all refugees, asylum-seekers, and internally displaced people around the world.
HURFOM calls on governments, ethnic armed groups, civil society organisations, donors, and the international community to end the human rights violations which are causing people to flee their homes, and to aid all refugees, asylum-seekers and displaced people.
According to the Global Peace Index there are currently 68 million refugees and internally displaced people in the world, the most since records began following WWII.
In Burma, refugee and IDP crises are escalating across the country.
There are gross violations of human rights happening right now in Rakhine, Kachin, and Shan states in particular.
Over 700,000 ethnic Rohingya have been driven from their home in Rakhine State since August 2017. The UN described the attacks as ‘a textbook example of ethnic cleansing’. Human Rights Watch documented widespread gang rapes carried out by members of the Burmese military against Rohingya women and girls, as well as killings, arbitrary arrests, and mass arson in hundreds of Rohingya villages carried out by Burmese security forces. The Burmese military has denied all accusations. Some 40,000 Rohingya women and girls living in refugee camps in Bangladesh are pregnant and due to give birth in the coming weeks. As the monsoon rains hit, hundreds of thousands of Rohingya refugees currently living in refugee camps are in danger from flooding; several fatalities have already been reported.
In Kachin State, the conflict between the Burmese military and the Kachin Independence Army has escalated since January. A number of civilians have been reported killed, and thousands have fled their homes since the start of the year, according to the OHCHA. The UN estimates that there are now around 103,000 displaced people in camps and settlements in Kachin and northern Shan states as a result of the conflict.
HURFOM stands in solidarity with all displaced people in Burma and surrounding countries.
While these gross human rights violations are causing hundreds of thousands to flee their homes around Burma, and must be addressed as a priority, it is important also to remember the ongoing plight of people who have been displaced for years. IDP camps in Mon State – where some people have lived for decades, and to which ever more recently-displaced people continue to move – have been neglected, and their funding has been cut in recent years.
Until the government addresses the root causes of displacement, people will continue to be forced to flee their homes, and the safe, voluntary return of displaced people will be not be possible.
Land confiscation is a major reason many people leave their homes. Land confiscations have increased since government reforms started in 2011, as the government has encouraged inward investment and megaprojects. Encouragement of megaprojects and inward investment has encouraged human rights violations, as well as increasing food insecurity and forced migration.
Many people flee their homes because of having to do forced labour for the Burma army.
One woman told us how the Burmese military forced even mothers with new-born babies to cut rocks for the railway, and how people were sexually abused and beaten, sometimes to death.
Others told us how they fled because of army torture.
Displaced people we interviewed are clear about what they want for the future.
Housing, property and land rights must be acknowledged and restored. The root causes of displacement, including the impunity for human rights violators and the lack of rule of law, must be addressed before there can be safe and voluntary return for displaced people.
As a priority, HURFOM calls on governments, aid agencies, and the international community to restore aid to the IDP camps and resettlement sites.
Aid has been cut in recent years. Daw H— told HURFOM that she has lived in Halockhani for the past 20 years. “We were supported with rice at the beginning. But they cut the support later. They haven’t supported us for the past two years.”
Recommendations
To the Burmese government to:
To the Burma army to:
To Ethnic Armed Organisations to:
To the international community and donor community to:
The United States is Quitting the UN Human Rights Council. Here’s Why That’s a Bad Idea
/in NewsBy: Mark Leon Goldberg on June 19, 2018
One day after being criticized by the top UN human rights official for its policy of separating children from their parents at the border, the United States announced that it is withdrawing from the main UN human rights organ, the Human Rights Council.
The timing is eyebrow raising, but this was not an entirely surprising decision. One year ago, Nikki Haley visited the Human Rights Council in Geneva and issued an ultimatum: unless the Council reformed to her liking, the United States would pull out.
Haley’s criticisms of the council center around two indisputable facts: that the Council frequently focuses Israel and that some members of the Council are countries with poor human rights records. But rather than remain on the Council to defend Israel and try and prevent countries with poor human rights records from influencing the work of the Council, the United States is calling it quits.
By withdrawing from the Human Rights Council, the United States is ceding yet another tool of American global leadership
Haley’s criticisms of the Human Rights Council are as old as the Council itself. When the Council was created in 2005, then UN ambassador John Bolton lobbied successfully against the Bush administration joining it. After the 2008 elections, the United States opted to join, concluding that it could better steer the work of the Council from the inside, including defending Israel, rather than from the sidelines.
Evidence suggests that this approach tangibly advanced American interests at the Council.
A report last year by the Council on Foreign Relations examined the work of the Council in years in which the United States served as a member and the years in which it did not. It found that Israel-specific resolutions decreased by more than half once the US joined the Council.
The CFR report also shows how country-specific mandates were added to the Council’s to-do list when the US was on the council, compared to the years in which it was not.
In other words, when the United States was an active participant at the Council, the Council reduced its focus on Israel and expanded its focus on other countries with problematic human rights records. This suggests that the stated reasons for the US withdrawal from the Council will become something of a fulfilling prophecy: with the US indifferent to the Council, the Council is more likely to adopt resolutions and measures that the United States finds contrary to its interests.
This move by the US is intended to discredit the UN Human Rights Council. In fact, the Council has a decent record of upholding human rights around the world.
Israel and Palestine are not the sum of the work of the Human Rights Council. Rather, in its 12 years of existence, the Council has amassed a decent track record, both of investigating specific human rights abuses and global norm setting.
In 2011, with strong support from the United States, the Human Rights Council passed an historic resolution that equated LGBT rights with human rights. This had the effect of mainstreaming LGBT rights into the broader UN human rights portfolio. This included giving then-secretary general Ban Ki Moon the breathing room he needed to more robustly engage in LGBT rights issues, even though some more conservative UN member states remained adamantly opposed. (In 2015, he was awarded the Harvey Milk award for his work on behalf of LGBT rights).
Just last year, the Human Rights Council approved the creation of a new special human rights “rapporteur” whose work focuses on rights issues around sexual orientation and gender identity.
The Human Rights Council has also been a platform for constructive engagement on issues that are otherwise paralyzed by big power rivalries at the Security Council. Syria is a good example here. With the Security Council unable to take any action, the Human Rights Council approved creating a commission of inquiry to document human rights abuses committed in the context of the Syria conflict. Every six months, the Commission of Inquiry releases a new report detailing abuses and identifying perpetrators. This obviously has not stopped the slaughter in Syria–but it has created robust documentary evidence of crimes committed in Syria that could be used in future war crimes proceedings. It is also a demonstration that, despite inaction at the Security Council, the United Nations can still be a player on these key global issues.
The Council has also routinely shined a spotlight on neglected human rights issues, such as regime abuses against its citizens in Eritrea and Belarus. It is the only UN entity that consistently maintains focus on human rights abuses by regimes that are not on the radar of the news media or are of particular interest to powerful forces at the UN. In these situations it does its job–and does its job well. Again, to quote the CFR report:
To the extent that US withdrawal from the council serves to undermine the council itself, the people who will suffer will end up being Eritreans and Belarusians who are being oppressed by their government.
US and International Human Rights Groups Do Not Support this Move
The American decision to leave the Human Rights Council is being criticized by human rights and humanitarian groups that have long standing commitments to upholding human dignity around the world.
That statement was signed by The Better World Campaign, CARE, Council for Global Equality, Committee for Human Rights in North Korea (HRNK), Freedom House, Human Rights Campaign, Human Rights First, Jacob Blaustein Institute for the Advancement of Human Rights, PEN America, Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights, Save the Children and United Nations Association – USA.
These groups work day in, day out to promote human rights around the world and they argue that the US withdrawal is harmful to their cause.
That is because this decision is antithetical to US interests and serves to undermine an already fragile global human rights regime. The United States doesn’t stand to gain much from leaving the Human Rights Council and the Trump administration is committing yet another unforced error by ceding this platform for upholding human rights around the world.
www.undispatch.com
Human rights are not a luxury
/in NewsZeid Ra’ad Al Hussein is the U.N. high commissioner for human rights.
Four years as the U.N. high commissioner for human rights have brought me many luminous encounters and desperate struggles, much painful and shocking information, and some profound lessons that may take many years to fully assimilate.
I have constantly circled back to the drafting of the Universal Declaration of Human Rightsin 1948, where this story truly began. It was a time of slaughter and terrible suffering, with broken economies and nations emerging from the ashes of two global wars, an immense genocide, atomic destruction and the Great Depression. Finding solutions that could ensure global — and national — peace was a matter of the starkest kind of survival. Committing to the U.N. Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was crucial. They were not philosophical goals: This was life or death.
There could be no peace without justice. There could be no durable development without promotion of broad social progress and better standards of life, for all, in larger freedom. The men and women who survived the two world wars understood this utterly. It was in their bones.
Treaty by treaty, world leaders built a great body of laws and covenants and committed to upholding them. Today there is a great cynicism about the global order they constructed — never fully global, never very orderly — but although it may have been partial, the progress they ensured was immense.
But that generation is departing quickly, and with them the living memory of the lessons that were so painfully clear to them. Now, rather than advancing toward greater freedom, justice and peace, the world is going backward — to a landscape of increasingly strident, zero-sum nationalism, where the jealously guarded, short-term interests of individual leaders supplant and destroy efforts to find common solutions.
We are moving backward to an era of contempt for the rights of people who have been forced to flee their homes, because the threats they face there are more dangerous even than the perils of their voyage. Backward to a time when military operations could deliberately target civilians and civilian sites such as hospitals, and chemical gases were openly used for military purposes and against innocent families.
We are moving backward to an era when racists and xenophobes deliberately inflamed hatred and discrimination among the public, while carefully cloaking themselves in the guise of democracy and the rule of law. Backward to an era when women were not permitted to control their own choices and their own bodies — when criticism was criminalized and human rights activism brought jail, or worse.
This is the way that wars are made: with the snarl of belligerence and the smirk of dehumanization; the lash of injustice and the incremental erosion of old and seemingly wearisome checks. The path of violence is made up of the unreckoned consequences of banal, incidental brutality seeping into the political landscape.
Here is one lesson: Intolerance is an insatiable machine. Its wheels, once they begin to function at a certain amplitude, become uncontrollable — grinding deeper, more cruelly and widely. First one group of people is singled out for hatred; next it will be more, and then more, as the machine for exclusion accelerates into violence, and into civil or international warfare — feeding always on its own rage, a growing frenzy of grievance and blaming. As that tension begins to peak, no obvious mechanism exists that is capable of decompressing and controlling its intensity, because the machine functions on an emotional level that has very little contact with reason. Release may come only after tremendous violence. This is something those of us who work for human rights have witnessed time and again.
We are at a pivotal moment in history, now, as contempt for human rights spreads. Xenophobes and racists have emerged from the shadows. A backlash is growing against advances made in women’s rights and many others. The space for civic activism is shrinking. The legitimacy of human rights principles is attacked, and the practice of human rights norms is in retreat.
What we are destroying is, quite simply, the structures that ensure our safety.
The destruction of Syria is a murderous parable, written in blood, that brings home yet again that horrific spiraling of incremental human rights violations into absolute destruction.
The organized campaigns of violence against the Rohingya in Myanmar – Southeast Asia’s fastest-growing economy in 2016 — yet again reminds us that economic growth will never maintain peace and security in the face of biting discrimination. In 2017 — 2017! — we once again saw the specter of genocide, and once again, we did very, very little to stop it from happening.
So, in a sentence, what is the one core lesson that has been brought home to me by this extraordinary, privileged, crushing mandate as high commissioner?
It is that in every circumstance, the safety of humanity will be secured only through vision, energy and generosity of spirit; through activism; through the struggle for greater freedom, in equality; and through justice.
Sources
Kachin Aid Group Halts Humanitarian Work After Threat by Myanmar Army
/in NewsAn evangelical Christian organization based in northern Myanmar’s Kachin state has stopped its humanitarian work in areas controlled by an ethnic militia in the conflict-ridden region after the Myanmar military warned that it would take action against the group for associating with an illegal entity, an official from the NGO said Friday.
The Kachin Baptist Convention (KBC), headquartered in the state capital Myitkyina, has helped civilians displaced by fighting between the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and Myanmar forces since hostilities resumed in June 2011 following the breakdown of a 17-year bilateral peace accord.
A surge in the clashes this year in the long-running civil war between the KIA and Myanmar army has displaced more than 7,400 civilians in Hpakant, Tanaing, and Injangyang townships since early April, according to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.
The fighting forced more IDPs into camps between Myanmar-China border posts Nos. 6 and 8 in Waingmaw township in Myitkyina district, joining some 5,000 others already living there, according to the KBC.
The Myanmar army said KBC members delivered food supplies to the newly arrived IDPs in the area in early May.
“The refugees are in danger during this rainy season,” Rev. Hkalam Samson, the KBC’s general secretary, told RFA’s Myanmar Service. “That’s why we have been helping them.”
Colonel Thura Myo Tin, Kachin state’s security and border affairs minister, sent the KBC a letter dated May 21, telling the organization to stop going to the border camps to help the IDPs or risk being charged under Article 17(1) of the colonial-era Unlawful Association Act because the camps are in KIA-controlled territory, he said.
“Actually, every border area in Kachin state is KIA-controlled territory,” Hkalam Samson added.
‘Not helping the KIA’
The Unlawful Association Act was used during Myanmar’s decades of military junta rule to detain those linked to rebel groups, and it continues to be used to jail people in Kachin state for allegedly being in contact with the KIA.
It sets out prison terms of two to three years and a possible fine for being a member of an “unlawful association,” making contributions to one, or assisting its operations.
The KBC — the main domestic aid organization in Kachin state — has been helping IDPs for seven years, along with United Nations agencies and the International Committee of the Red Cross, Hkalam Samson said.
“We all are helping all IDPs,” he said. “We are not helping the KIA.”
The KBC is planning to send a response to the ministry, he added.
Intensified clashes between the KIA and Myanmar forces this year have raised questions about the military’s possible role in hindering the government’s efforts to end the country’s civil wars and forge lasting peace.
Since 2011, more than 100,000 civilians have been displaced in Kachin state, many of whom have been unable to return to their homes as the conflict continues.
Reported by Kyaw Thu for RFA’s Myanmar Service. Translated by Khet Mar. Written in English by Roseanne Gerin.
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