Three years of uncertainty over murder of Kachin school teachers

19 January 2018, Rangoon  

Three years of uncertainty over murder of Kachin school teachers

The recent military’s admission of extrajudicial killings paves the way for further acknowledgements of human rights violations committed by its troops

On the three year anniversary of the rape and murder of two Kachin schoolteachers in Shabuk Kawng Kha, Kachin State, the Network for Human Rights Documentation – Burma (ND-Burma) calls on the government to launch a fresh investigation into the case, which remains unsolved in spite of significant evidence implicating government soldiers.

In the early hours of January 2015, screams were heard from the church compound where Maran Lu Ra and Nan Tsin were staying while working as voluntary teachers for the Kachin Baptist Convention. Local villagers went to investigate but left after hearing sounds coming from the bathroom. The bodies of the two young women were discovered the next morning, bearing marks of physical and sexual assault. Maran Lu Ra and and Tangbau Hkwan Nan Tsin were 20 and 21 years old, respectively.

A police investigation into the case failed to detain a single suspect and civil society has accused the authorities of a deliberate cover-up to protect government soldiers from Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) 503, who had arrived in the village the day before the murder and were occupying a number of houses near the church compound.

An investigation conducted by ND-Burma member the Kachin Women’s Association in Thailand (KWAT) and the NGO Legal Aid Network found evidence incriminating soldiers, including: military boot prints found outside the women’s home; ten soldiers who left the village shortly after the murder took place and have never been questioned; a villager in whose house the military commander was staying being sent away without explanation just before the crime was committed; and 5.3 million kyat (approx USD 4,800) being given to each of the victims’ families by the military.

The same investigation found that police had also failed to follow basic protocol when gathering evidence and interviewing suspects, undermining the validity and impartiality of the inquest. Physical evidence was collected haphazardly and in such a way that it could have been tampered with and final DNA results were never released. Police also tortured a local man and pressured him to confess to the crime by offering material and financial support.

The military also wielded considerable control over the police inquiry, with soldiers taking over the crime scene and required anyone wanting to enter to having to gain permission from the military first. Only 28 out of the 40 soldiers temporarily stationed in the village were questioned by the police, with none of the examinations taking longer than 5 minutes. Information gathered by police following interrogation of villagers was passed directly to the military.

The military has threatened legal action against anyone who accuses its troops of involvement in this case. The commander of Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) 503 also directly threatened villagers, saying: “Our military column has 20 mortar shells. If we are targeted as suspects, the entire village will be fired at and burnt down.”

 

KWAT Secretary General Moon Nay Li said:

 

“Three years after these young women were murdered, not a single member of the Kachin community has forgotten what happened, and calls for justice are only growing fiercer. As the government’s peace process falls apart, it should finally start addressing the pain of local communities, as opposed to just negotiating with those holding guns. It is not too late to try and heal past wounds to find national reconciliation.”

 

ND-Burma has been collecting data on human rights violations since 2004 and our database holds some 6,000 cases that have yet to see justice. There have been a few instances of the military charging low-ranking soldiers with having committed abuses and we hope the military’s admission of extrajudicial killings at Inn Dinn in Rakhine State will pave the way for further acknowledgements of rights violations.

 

Independent investigation by the two arrested Reuters journalists has forced the military to admit to extrajudicial killings. Foreign governments, international bodies, human rights organizations, and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s government should now pressure the army to come clean on the many other abuses that have been committed across the country. Acknowledging the victims of the past is the only way to build a peaceful future.

ND-Burma is a 13 member organization representing a range of ethnic nationalities as well as women and the LGBTI community. Our members are:

  1. Assistance Association for Political Prisoners – Burma
  2. Kachin Development Networking Group
  3. Human Rights Foundation of Monland
  4. Kachin Women’s Association – Thailand
  5. Palaung Women’s Organization
  6. Ta’ang Students and Youth Union
  7. Tavoyan Women’s Union

Affiliate Members

  1. All Arakan Students’ and Youths’ Congress
  2. Chin Human Rights Organization
  3. EarthRights International
  4. Equality Myanmar
  5. Lahu Women’s Organization
  6. Pao Youth Organization

9 People Reported Dead After Police Crackdown on Protest in Mrauk-U

By MOE MYINT 17 January 2018

YANGON — A police crackdown on a protest in northern Rakhine State’s ancient city of Mrauk-U on Tuesday night left at least nine people dead and 12 severely wounded by gunfire, according to a local lawmaker.

U Tun Thar Sein, who represents Mrauk-U (1) in the state Parliament, spoke with The Irrawaddy over the phone at 2:45 a.m. on Wednesday after returning home from Mrauk-U’s general hospital. He said some of the 12 patients had been transferred to the state capital, Sittwe, about 141 km away.

“I saw that the victims were shot at least twice, mostly in the abdomen and legs”, he said.

He said several thousand people were protesting on Tuesday evening against a decision by authorities to ban celebration of the 233rd anniversary of the end of the Arakan dynasty. Locals commemorate the event each year on Dec. 15 and 16 with traditional wrestling matches and talks on literature by activists and influential politicians.

The protestors who gathered on the roads were few in number at first, but their ranks swelled to a few thousand within hours. The crowd then marched to the district administration office at about 9:30 p.m., approximately 2 km northeast of downtown.

A high school teacher in Mrauk-U said many 11th grade students preparing to sit their matriculation exams in the next few months also joined the rally.

“The roads in Mrauk-U were taken over by the protesters within a few hours,” he said.

U Tun Thar Sein, the lawmaker, said tensions between the protestors and police quickly escalated at about 10 p.m. Many of the protestors started hurling stones and bricks at the administration office. When some of them entered the office compound and started destroying police trucks, the police opened fire to quell the attack.

Though local authorities said the protestors confronted the police, U Tun Thar Sein said he did not see any police as patients at the hospital, only dead and wounded civilians.

“This mass killing would not have happened if they had used rubber bullets to crack down on the gathering,” he said. “I think the protestors only gathered bricks and stones and did not have any other weapons.”

The high school teacher said he did not participate in the protest but followed the rally in order to pull out his students. He said he heard a series of gunshots while heading toward the administration office and then saw thousands of people running back toward downtown.

“Police used real bullets, not rubber rounds. I saw a boy’s abdomen hollowed out,” the teacher said.

The teacher said he went to the Mrauk-U general hospital and saw nine people severely wounded. He recalled the accounts of his students, who told him they saw police firing at the crowd.

“My students recounted to me that they laid down on the ground when they saw the flying burning bullets. They were very lucky,” he said.

The Irrawaddy called township police chief Major Kyaw Mya Win and administration official Bo Bo Myint Thein, but they declined to comment. A junior staff member of the district administration office said that “a protest group destabilized the situation” but refused to answer further questions.

Two military truckloads of armed soldiers arrived at the scene of the violence at about 11:30 p.m.

Irrawaddy News

Incitement trial against former child soldier will continue, judge rules

Hopes that the judge presiding over a controversial court case involving a former child soldier would drop the incitement charge brought against him were dashed on Wednesday as the magistrate in Yangon’s Dagon Seikkan Township decided to allow the prosecution to proceed.

The former child soldier Aung Ko Htwe, his lawyer and family members had thought the judge might rule against continuing the trial, in which the defendant has been charged under section 505(b) of the Penal Code after he gave an interview to Radio Free Asia (RFA) recounting his experiences as a minor conscripted into the military. The Penal Code provision prohibits statements made “with intent to cause, or which [are] likely to cause, fear or alarm to the public or to any section of the public whereby any person may be induced to commit an offence against the State or against public tranquility.”

Aung Ko Htwe faces up to two years in prison if convicted. He was arrested on 18 August, about a week after his interview with RFA was published.

The defendant’s lawyer Zaw Min Hlaing told journalists after Wednesday’s hearing that the prosecution had failed to reach out to the relevant Defence Ministry departments to determine the veracity of the experiences recounted by the defendant in his interview with RFA. The lawyer also questioned the basis of the plaintiff’s standing in the case, as a relatively high-ranking lieutenant colonel who would not likely have dealings with child soldiers on the bottom rungs of the military command hierarchy.

“They [the plaintiff and prosecution witnesses] don’t know what Aung Ko Htwe faced during that time because they are high-level officials. Also they should have inquired as to whether the words of Aung Ko Htwe are true or not,” he said.

According to Aung Ko Htwe’s lawyer, the defence will call eight witnesses to testify as the trial proceeds, including Burma’s commander-in-chief, Senior-General Min Aung Hlaing.

“The commander-in-chief has given consideration to the issue of child soldiers and a lot of child soldiers have been released during his term. That’s why we put his name on the witnesses’ list,” said lawyer Zaw Min Hlaing, but adding: “I’m not sure that he will come to court.”

Aung Ko Htwe told the court that he was not guilty of violating section 505 b) and had simply answered the RFA interviewer’s questions about his feelings, difficulties and experiences as a child soldier.

“I told RFA my feelings. I had no intention of defaming the military,” he said.

Nay Zar Htun, a sister of Aung Ko Htwe, told DVBthat she planned to protest against the military on 19 January in Naypyidaw, despite local authorities objecting to her specifically pointing the finger at the military for her brother’s hardships as a child soldier.

“I will also submit letters to the Office of the Commander-in-Chief and the Supreme Court of the Union on 19 January,” she said.

More Than Words: Apologies as a Form of Reparation

1/27/2016

Official public apologies are an important element of a transitional justice policy. As a form of symbolic reparation, an apology is a formal, solemn and, in most cases, public acknowledgement that human rights violations were committed in the past, that they caused serious and often irreparable harm to victims, and that the state, group, or individual apologizing is accepting some or all of the responsibility for what happened. Th e decision to make an apology can and should be used to support a just and moral vision that enables victims and the public to have hope in the future.

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It has become more common for political leaders to apologize publicly to victims, their families, and communities, often during a formal national address or other ceremonial event. Such apologies have taken place in the midst of cease-fire and peace processes, made not only by those holding public offi ce, such as heads of state, ministers, judges, and the heads of the police, military, and intelligence services, but also by paramilitary leaders. Apologies delivered by state agents signal the full backing of the state for what is being conveyed.

Apologies are not enough as reparation to victims of serious violations. While apologies have value in themselves and can address both moral and physical harm, they should be combined with material forms of reparation. In particular, care needs to be taken to ensure that a disproportionate emphasis on apologies does not diminish the likelihood that other reparative measures, such as restitution and medical care, will be implemented, to help limit the long-term harm caused to victims or address their physical needs.

Apologies should, in many cases, refl ect a communal reckoning with crimes of the past. They describe what has been learned and what needs to be done to prevent such events from ever happening again; sometimes they mark either the commencement or the culmination of a long, sometimes divisive period of debate and reflection in a society. In many cases, it is victims and organizations of survivors who provide the main impetus for pursuing an apology and help to decide when and how an apology might best be given.

Whatever the catalyst, apologies (and the process for developing them) can help a country to replace, at least partially, partisan recriminations with constructive dialogue and unite the public behind the common goals it needs to achieve to move forward. Th e process of developing consensus around the need for an apology can help societies to face their past, reaffirm values, and meet their obligations to victims as human beings and citizens in the present and in the future.

Because official apologies are most often public acts, they usually attract considerable media attention and scrutiny. Therefore, the content, delivery, tone, and proper timing of an apology are crucial. Th e most effective apologies are unequivocal; they are not diluted by qualifying language designed to limit their scope or redirect blame. For victims, it may matter whether an apology is written, handed over on paper, or read or spoken aloud. Likewise, the language spoken, the access to written, spoken, or recorded materials, the venue in which it is made, even the body language and appearance of the person delivering the apology are all significant. Some of the most meaningful apologies have occurred at the place where the violations occurred.

Although most offi cial apologies provide a form of comfort to victims, some have been judged harshly for being poorly conceived, insincere, and ineffective. Expressions of regret, for instance, are most frequently statements of sadness and disappointment that fall short of an apology, whereas unequivocal apologies contain a more explicit if not unconditional acknowledgment of responsibility. They acknowledge the specific injustices that occurred, recognize that victims suffered serious harm as a result, and take responsibility for what happened.

Effective apologies take into account what victims are likely to feel and think about what is being said. In fact, the most effective apologies are arguably those that have been agreed on with survivors, families of victims, or their representatives, and which address the future and not just the past. Th ey assure victims—and the rest of society—that victims were not at fault for what happened and emphasize common values shared by everyone in society.
While apologies on their own cannot fully restore trust nor ever provide the full relief that victims and a society need to heal, they play an important role in giving meaning to reparations and promoting efforts to reform institutions and guarantee non-repetition of violations and can be an important step toward reconciliation, on the journey toward lasting peace.

Conclusions

Th e content, delivery, tone, and proper timing of an apology are crucial, as is its sequencing with other transitional mechanisms, including other apologies. In some cases, like Canada’s apology for Indian Residential schools, several forms of acknowledgment preceded Canadian Prime Minister John Harper’s apology, including state-sponsored reports, the settlement of a class-action lawsuit, and the implementation of reparation payments and services.

Often apologies follow recommendations by truth-seeking bodies, like Kenya’s TJRC, that have provided concrete guidance on how to define the necessary apologies and the wrongs they should recognize. In other cases, it has been victims and victims’ groups that have provided the main impetus for pursuing an apology and for helping to decide when and how an apology might best be given; their input is essential.

Public apologies are an important element of a transitional justice policy. When carried out in a way that is meaningful and sensitive to the moral and material needs of survivors and victims, they can effectively convey recognition, in some cases for the first time, of what survivors and victims suffered or lost. When solemnly and unequivocally given, apologies convey a clear acknowledgement of the responsibility of the state and individuals not only for the harm done, but for the causes of the conflict or repression that led to those harms. In this way, they play an important role in giving meaning to reparations and promoting efforts to reform institutions and guarantee non-repetition.

The process of developing consensus around the need for an apology can help societies to face their past, reaffirm shared values, and meet their obligations to victims as human beings and citizens in the present and in the future. Although apologies alone can never completely provide the relief that victims and a society need to heal, they can be an important step toward reconciliation and sustainable peace.

Myanmar: reverse laws and practices that perpetuate military impunity – new ICJ report

Myanmar’s government must take concrete action to counteract decades of military impunity for human rights violations, the ICJ concluded in a report published today.

The report Achieving Justice for Gross Human Rights Violations in Myanmarfinds that gross human rights violations in Myanmar rarely go punished, particularly in conflict areas.

Justice remains elusive for victims and their families as a result of laws, institutions and investigative practices that protect members of security forces from prosecution, the ICJ says.

“Decades of denial of justice for victims of gross human rights violations in Myanmar, and impunity for the perpetrators, particularly when involving the military, have severely eroded the rule of law,” said Sam Zarifi, the ICJ’s Secretary General.

“The Myanmar government must now take concrete steps to combat impunity, especially for the military,” he added.

The release of the ICJ’s report follows last week’s statement from the Office of the Commander in Chief of the Tatmadaw, Myanmar’s military, acknowledging that security forces had participated in the killing of ten Rohingya Muslims in Rakhine State’s Inn Dinn Village.

It is the Tatmadaw’s first admission of serious crimes perpetrated by security forces during its ‘clearance operations’, which have resulted in mass displacement and human rights violations, following attacks on police posts by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army on 25 August 2017.

Military and security personnel in Myanmar seldom face justice for human rights violations, because they are protected by legal provisions of the 2008 Constitution, the 1959 Defence Services Act and the 1995 Police Force Maintenance of Discipline Law, which include immunities and special courts that shield soliders, police and officials from public criminal prosecutions for serious crimes, the ICJ notes.

The ICJ’s report finds that investigations into allegations of rights violations rarely result in effective prosecutions or redress.

Eight case studies – from Kachin, Karen, Mon and Rakhine states – illustrate how victims and their families, as well as journalists and human rights defenders, lack access to justice and are even harassed for seeking it.

“Admission of culpability for this one incident is an important first step and must be followed by a full and proper investigation, and justice for the victims and their families,” said Zarifi.

“The dire human rights situation in northern Rakhine State, and in conflict areas such as in Shan and Kachin states, neccessitates credible, independent and impartial investigations with a view to publicly prosecute those responsible for unlawful acts and their commissioning.”

“Options available to the parliament and to the executive include addressing barriers to accountability, by reforming laws that protect security forces involved in serious crimes, and by aligning investigative procedures with international standards,” he added.

Contact

Alex Conte, ICJ Global Accountability Coordinator (Geneva), t: +41 79 957 2733; e: alex.conte(a)icj.org

Frederick Rawski, ICJ Asia Pacific Regional Director (Bangkok), t: +66 6 4478 1121 ; e: frederick.rawski(a)icj.org

Background

Special inquiries comissioned by the Government of Myanmar into allegations of human rights violations generally fail the test of independence and impartiality, or are severely undermined by inadequate resources and or restricted mandates.

These inquiries rarely result in effective prosecutions or access to remedies and reparation.

Members of security forces, when prosecuted, usually appear in military or special police courts, which generally impose low or meaningless sanctions that are wholly inconsistent with penalties applicable in Myanmar’s Penal Code.

Laws governing military and police acts are inadequate for the victims of human rights violations because they do not contemplate the provision of remedies and reparation.

There is very limited precedent or established practice for the provision of effective remedies or reparation for victims of criminal acts in Myanmar, particularly when such crimes involve human rights violations by State actors.

Wittingly or unwittlingly, relevant authorities routinely violate national laws that prescribe procedures for the conduct of criminal investigations and prosecutions, particularly in politically sensitive cases involving human rights violations.

Violations of basic fair trial rights, included in national laws, are commonplace.

State authorities continue to exert improper influence on politically-sensitive court cases including those involving allegations of gross human rights violations.

Courts tend to not intervene where human rights violations are occuring nor do they guarantee non-repitition where they have occurred.

Prosecutors rarely, if ever, accept petitions from victims of gross human rights violations to initiate criminal proceedings.

The judicial harrassment of victims of human rights violations is commonplace in Myanmar when victims, their families or lawyers seek remedies or reparation through the courts or other mechanisms.

Defamation and unlawful association are among the criminal charges commonly instituted by authorities, including against journalists investigating human rights violations or working in conflict areas.

Overall, Myanmar’s prosecutors lack the independence to effectively prosecute acts involving human rights violations.

Interference with and intimidation of lawyers, particularly in politically sensitive cases involving human rights violations, undermines their to effectively represent clients and to pursue effective remedies and reparations.

Download

Myanmar-GRA Baseline Study-Publications-Reports-Thematic reports-2018-ENG (full report in PDF)

A Burmese version of this story will be added soon.

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State Counsellor sends condolences for victims of Rakhine State riot

January 17, 2018

State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi expressed condolences yesterday to the victims of the riot that occurred in Mrauk-U, Rakhine State on Tuesday, and pledged to probe the incident, take action against those who violated the law, and restore community peace and the rule of law.
She made the remark in her opening address during a meeting on Rakhine State yesterday at the Presidential Palace in Nay Pyi Taw.

The State Counsellor expressed her condolences to the Rakhine ethnic people who were killed or injured, as well as the police who were injured in the incident that occurred on Tuesday night, officials said.

Following her address, Chief Minister of Rakhine State U Nyi Pu and Chief of Myanmar Police Force Police Maj-Gen Aung Win Oo gave a briefing on the outbreak of the riot.

Regarding the talk given by author Wai Hin Aung and Dr. Aye Maung in Yathedaung about Rakhine sovereignty, action would be taken against the pair in accordance with the law, according to the police force.

At the meeting, Union Minister for Home Affairs Lt-Gen Kyaw Swe reported on matters related to riot control and security arrangements, Rakhine State Chief Minister U Nyi Pu spoke on arrangements to be made in Rakhine State, and Union Minister Dr Pe Myint spoke about the release of news and information.
The participants at the meeting discussed the measures are being taken for the restoration of rule of law and stability in Rakhine State following the riot.

The meeting was also attended by Union Minister for the Office of the Union Government U Thaung Tun; Union Minister for Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement Dr. Win Myat Aye; Union Attorney-General U Htun Htun Oo; Deputy Minister for the Office of the President U Min Thu; Deputy Minister for Border Affairs Maj-Gen Than Htut; Deputy Minister for the Office of State Counsellor U Khin Maung Tin; Deputy Minister for Information U Aung Hla Tun; Chief of Myanmar Police Force Police Maj-Gen Aung Win Oo; and other officials.
The meeting ended with concluding remarks by State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

Myanmar State Counsellor Office