The Network for Human Rights Documentation – Burma Calls for ASEAN to Uphold and Protect Human Rights in New Briefing Paper Ahead of the 46th ASEAN Summit

The Network for Human Rights Documentation – Burma Calls for ASEAN to Uphold and Protect Human Rights in New Briefing Paper Ahead of the 46th ASEAN Summit

23 May 2025

For Immediate Release

Today, the Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma releases a new briefing paper, “ASEAN Must Protect, Not Neglect Human Rights in Burma,” ahead of the upcoming 46th ASEAN Summit, scheduled to take place in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, from May 26 to 27, 2025. ND-Burma members call upon ASEAN to act with integrity and a commitment to protect and promote human rights in Burma, rather than risk legitimizing the terrorist junta through their ongoing engagements.

The upcoming Summit will bring together ASEAN members and dialogue partners. Discussions on Burma will focus on the humanitarian situation and trade. In response to the numerous challenges on the ground, ASEAN must be decisive and united by choosing to stand with the many people and stakeholders of the pro-democracy revolution. The actions and behaviour of the military junta have made it evident that they are not committed to peace, nor to any end of the ongoing hostilities that have killed and wounded thousands. 

Since the attempted coup over four years ago, ASEAN has failed to hold the military accountable for its volatile actions and violations of human rights. They must make it clear that these acts of terror will not be tolerated. The Five-Point Consensus has not been effectively implemented, demonstrating the regime’s lack of adherence to international norms and principles. Meanwhile, across the country, particularly in ethnic areas, aerial and ground attacks are relentless, putting innocent civilians at increased risk of injury or death in a junta-fueled crisis that has plunged thousands into poverty and displaced millions.

Further, ND-Burma members urge ASEAN leaders to address the junta’s ongoing deliberate disregard of human life, denounce the sham election plans, provide humanitarian assistance through locally led organizations, prioritize the immediate protection oflocas by advocating for and supporting international accountability mechanisms, and recognize the exceptional bravery and commitment of the leaders of the People’s Movement in Burma by choosing to stand with them.

For more information:

Name: Nai Aue Mon

Signal: +66 86 1679 741

Name: San Htoi

Signal: +66 64 195 6721

________________________________________________________________________________

The Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma (ND-Burma) consists of 13 organisations representing a range of ethnic nationalities, women, and former political prisoners. Since 2004, ND-Burma member organisations have been documenting human rights abuses and fighting for justice for victims. The network has nine full members and four affiliate members.

ASEAN Must Protect, Not Neglect Human Rights in Burma

Ahead of the 46th ASEAN Summit to be held from 26-27 May 2025, members of the Network for Human Rights Documentation – Burma (ND-Burma) are concerned about the ongoing failure of regional leaders to hold the military junta accountable for its widespread and systematic crimes against civilians.

The upcoming gathering of ASEAN officials and dialogue partners presents an opportunity to heed the calls of civil society organizations, which have urged decisive and firm action to the worsening human rights, humanitarian, and political crisis in Burma following the February 2021 attempted military coup.

The failure of ASEAN thus far to adequately address the multiple challenges in Burma has undermined its credibility in promoting peace and democracy, with innocent civilians suffering the most as they are forced to bear the burden of war.

The situation in Burma has worsened, with over three million displaced and declining donor support placing additional strain on local people. Even after the earthquake at the end of March 2025, the junta has not adhered to its ceasefire and continues to attack communities from the air and ground.

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Open letter: Malaysia must lead ASEAN with principle, not hypocrisy, to address the Myanmar crisis

To:
H.E. Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim
Prime Minister of Malaysia
Chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations 2025

CC:
H.E. Sultan Haji Hassanal Bolkiah Mu’izzaddin Waddaulah, Prime Minister of Brunei Darussalam
H.E. Hun Manet, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Cambodia
H.E. Prabowo Subianto, President of the Republic of Indonesia
H.E. Sonexay Siphandone, Prime Minister of the Lao People’s Democratic Republic
H.E. Ferdinand Romualdez Marcos, Jr., President of the Republic of the Philippines
H.E. Lawrence Wong, Prime Minister of the Republic of Singapore
H.E. Paetongtarn Shinawatra, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Thailand
H.E. Phạm Minh Chính, Prime Minister of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam

21 May 2025

Open letter: Malaysia must lead ASEAN with principle, not hypocrisy, to address the Myanmar crisis

Your Excellency,

We—the undersigned 285 Myanmar, regional, and international civil society organizations—write to you at the most critical juncture for Myanmar and for the credibility and efficacy of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in the region. As Malaysia chairs ASEAN and is set to host the 46th Summit later this month, we urgently call for your decisive leadership to unify and steer ASEAN to adopt a stronger, more principled stance and take concerted efforts to address the intensifying multifaceted crisis in Myanmar.

This should begin with ASEAN cutting all ties with the Myanmar military junta and shifting official engagement to Myanmar’s legitimate stakeholders: the National Unity Government (NUG) and Ethnic Resistance Organizations (EROs).

We are compelled to express our condemnation of your recent meeting with Min Aung Hlaing, the architect of the ongoing terror campaign, and main perpetrator of genocide against the Rohingya and war crimes and crimes against humanity against the people of Myanmar. This meeting, far from being a diplomatic necessity, is a grave misstep that further harms the people. It offers the junta a dangerous façade of false legitimacy at a time when it is desperately seeking to escape international isolation and accountability. Such engagement does not serve the interests of peace or justice for the Myanmar people, for which ASEAN allegedly strives. Instead, it once again emboldens an illegitimate military junta responsible for the most heinous crimes in Southeast Asia’s recent history, and signals to the world that ASEAN is willing to compromise its credibility for the sake of hollow dialogue.

This is not an isolated error, but a symptom of ASEAN’s broader failure since the military’s illegal coup attempt in 2021. We note that this meeting—and in fact, each and every previous meeting—with junta representatives, has consistently empowered the military to continue its brutal attacks and airstrikes against civilians. For over four years, acting alone and within ASEAN, the region’s leaders have clung to an approach that prioritizes engagement with the perpetrators of mass atrocity crimes over the rule of law, justice and accountability, and solidarity with victims and survivors. The perfunctory Five-Point Consensus, repeatedly invoked but never effectively nor meaningfully implemented, has become a shield for the military to continue its campaign of terror with total impunity. The ongoing presence of junta representatives at ASEAN meetings at any level continues to undermine the bloc’s credibility and betrays its founding commitment to democracy, peace, security, and respect for human rights.

Since its illegal coup attempt in February 2021, the Myanmar military junta has perpetrated a multitude of grave human rights violations and mass atrocity crimes, including massacres, torching and pillaging entire towns, and lethal airstrikes against civilians and places where they take refuge. Since February 2021, the military has conducted more than 4,000 airstrikes, exponentially escalating such attacks over the past two years. The military’s widespread and systematic violence has so far internally displaced more than 3.5 million people—likely a gross underestimation of the true magnitude of displacement. Since your meeting with Min Aung Hlaing on 17 April, the junta has conducted at least 171 airstrikes, the vast majority on civilian areas with no intention other than to inflict harm and terrorize the people. The latest massacre in Depayin Township, Sagaing Region, on 12 May 2025, in which a junta airstrike on a school killed at least 22 children and two teachers, is yet another horrific testament to the military’s utter contempt for human life and international law.

In light of these grave realities, we urgently call on Your Excellency to exercise the courageous and principled leadership that this moment demands. Malaysia must immediately and unequivocally sever all ties with the junta, and use its position as ASEAN Chair to unify and lead the bloc with the same courageous and decisive action, in support of Myanmar people’s revolution to dismantle military tyranny and establish federal democracy. We expect that Malaysia recognizes the gravity of this call and will ensure no junta representatives are permitted to participate in any ASEAN meetings at any level—including the upcoming Summit.

ASEAN, under Malaysia’s leadership, must recognize and engage with the legitimate representatives of the Myanmar people, the NUG and EROs, as well as Myanmar civil society. These are the actors who have demonstrated genuine commitment to finding a long-term sustainable solution in the best interests and desires of Myanmar’s people: democracy, federalism, and human rights. ASEAN’s engagement must be formal, meaningful, and conducted at the highest levels—not relegated to unofficial channels in the name of quiet diplomacy or tokenistic side meetings. Engagement must be open and transparent to gain the confidence of the Myanmar people. Only then can the bloc move beyond the failed Five-Point Consensus and support a Myanmar-owned and -led solution, as it so often claims to do. ASEAN must stop clinging to empty rhetoric and prove its pledges with concrete, meaningful actions to stop the junta’s violence—most urgently the airstrikes. Anything less will only prolong ASEAN’s complicity in the cycle of military violence and impunity which has defined Myanmar over the past seven decades.

Furthermore, the humanitarian catastrophe intensifying in central Myanmar and its ethnic borderlands and regions demands an urgent and principled response, particularly following the devastating earthquake on 28 March 2025. The current approach—channeling aid through the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on disaster management (AHA Centre)—has failed to deliver aid meaningfully and effectively, and has further allowed the junta to weaponize aid for its own advantage. We urge Malaysia to lead ASEAN in steering Myanmar’s neighbors to collaborate with the NUG and EROs and directly support existing local civil society, networks, and community-based responders to do their important work without interference or bureaucratic obstacles.

Malaysia’s Madani values of sustainability, respect, trust, and compassion provide a strong foundation for Your Excellency to lead ASEAN to adopt a bold, inclusive, and principled approach with decisive and pragmatic action to help resolve the Myanmar crisis. Your leadership as ASEAN Chair can restore ASEAN’s regional relevance by responding to the threats posed by the Myanmar military and the multifaceted crisis it has caused and by demonstrating genuine commitment to democracy, peace, justice, human security, and development in the region.

Your Excellency, history will judge this most critical moment for the region by the choices you and your fellow ASEAN leaders make. We urge you to reject the path of hypocrisy and complicity, and instead chart a course grounded in humanity, solidarity, and respect for the rights and dignity of the Myanmar people.

We stand ready to support your efforts and urge you to seize this critical opportunity to lead ASEAN to support a Myanmar people-owned and -led political transformation process toward a just and lasting resolution in Myanmar.

For more information, please contact:

Signed by 285 civil society organizations, including 31 organizations that have chosen not to disclose their names:

  1. 5/ of Zaya State Strike
  2. 8888 Generation (New Zealand)
  3. A-Yar-Taw People Strike
  4. Action Committee for Democracy Development (ACDD)
  5. Action Committee of Basic Education Students (ACBES)
  6. Ah Nah Podcast
  7. All Arakan Students’ & Youths’ Congress – AASYC
  8. All Arakan Youth Organizations Network (AAYON)
  9. All Aung Myay Thar San Schools Strike Force
  10. All Burma Democratic Front in New Zealand
  11. All Burma Federation of Student Unions (Monywa District)
  12. Alliance of Students’ Union – Yangon (ASU-Yangon)
  13. ALTSEAN-Burma
  14. Anti-Junta Alliance Yangon – AJAY
  15. Anti-junta Forces Coordination Committee (AFC – Mandalay)
  16. Arakan CSO Network
  17. Arakan Rohingya National Union (ARNU)
  18. Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
  19. Asian Health Institute
  20. Association of Human Rights Defenders and Promoters (HRDP)
  21. Association Suisse-Birmanie
  22. Athan – Freedom of Expression Activist Organization
  23. Auckland Kachin Community NZ
  24. Auckland Zomi Community
  25. Aung San Suu Kyi Park Norway
  26. Ayeyarwaddy West Development Organisation (AWDO), Magway
  27. Ayeyarwaddy West Development Organisation (AWDO), Nagphe
  28. Back Pack Health Worker Team (BPHWT)
  29. Basic Education General Strike Committee (BEGSC)
  30. Basic Education Worker Unions – Steering Committee (BEWU-SC)
  31. Blood Money Campaign (BMC)
  32. Burma Action Ireland
  33. Burma Campaign UK
  34. Burma Civil War Museum (BCM)
  35. Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN)
  36. Burma Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK)
  37. Burma Solidarity Philippines (BSP)
  38. Burmese Community Group (Manawatu, NZ)
  39. Burmese Muslim Association (BMA)
  40. Burmese Rohingya Organization UK (BROUK)
  41. Burmese Rohingya Welfare Organisation New Zealand
  42. Campaign for a New Myanmar
  43. CAN-Myanmar
  44. CDM Medical Network (CDMMN)
  45. Chanmyatharzi Township People’s Strike
  46. Chaung Oo Township Youth Strike Committee
  47. Chin Community in Norway
  48. Chin Community of Auckland
  49. Chin Human Rights Organization (CHRO)
  50. Chindwin (West) Villages Women Strike
  51. CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation
  52. Civil Information Network (CIN)
  53. Civil Society Organizations Coordination Committee (Monywa)
  54. Co-operative University Mandalay Students’ Strike
  55. Coalition Strike Committee – Dawei
  56. CRPH & NUG Supporters Ireland
  57. CRPH Funding Ireland
  58. CRPH Support Group, Norway and members organizations
  59. CRPH, NUG Support Team Germany – Deutschland
  60. CSOs Nexus Consortium – Tanintharyi
  61. Daung Sitthe Strike
  62. Dawei (Ashaetaw) Women Strike
  63. Dawei Development Association
  64. Dawei Youths Revolutionary Movement Strike Committee
  65. Defend Myanmar Democracy (DMD)
  66. Democracy for Ethnic Minorities Organization (DEMO)
  67. Democracy Youth Myanmar
  68. Democracy, Peace and Women’s Organization
  69. Democratic Party for a New Society, Norway
  70. Depayin Township Revolution Steering Committee
  71. Depayin Women Strike
  72. Doh Atu – Ensemble pour le Myanmar
  73. Educational Initiatives Prague
  74. Equality Myanmar (EQMM)
  75. Ethnic Youth General Strike Committee (Mandalay)
  76. Federal Myanmar Benevolence Group (NZ)
  77. Former Political Prisoners and New Generation Group – Monywa
  78. Free Burma Campaign (South Africa) (FBC(SA))
  79. Free Rohingya Coalition (FRC)
  80. Future Light Center (FLC)
  81. Gangaw Women Strike
  82. General Strike Collaboration Committee (GSCC)
  83. General Strike Committee of Basic and Higher Education (GSCBHE)
  84. General Strike Coordination Body (GSCB)
  85. Generation Wave (GW)
  86. Generations’ Solidarity Coalition of Nationalities (GSCN)
  87. German Solidarity Myanmar e.V. (GSM)
  88. Global Myanmar Spring Revolution (GMSR)
  89. GMSR Korea 글로벌 미얀마 봄혁명 연대
  90. Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM)
  91. India for Myanmar
  92. Industries Strike
  93. Info Birmanie
  94. Integria, z.u.(Czech Republic)
  95. International Association, Myanmar–Switzerland (IAMS)
  96. International Campaign for the Rohingya
  97. International Peace Bureau
  98. Italia-Birmania.Insieme
  99. Japan Campaign to Ban Landmines
  100. Justice & Equality Focus (JEF)
  101. Justice For Myanmar (JFM)
  102.  K’cho Ethnic Association (Europe)
  103. Kachin Association Norway
  104. Kachin Student Union
  105. Kachin Women’s Association Thailand (KWAT)
  106. Kalay Township Strike Force
  107. Kalay Women Strike
  108. Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG)
  109. Karen Peace Support Network (KPSN)
  110. Karen Women’s Organization (KWO)
  111. Karenni Human Rights Group (KnHRG)
  112. Karenni National Women’s Organization (KNWO)
  113. Karenni Society New Zealand
  114. Keng Tung Youth
  115. KontraS
  116. Kyae Lak Myay
  117. Kyain Seikgyi Spring Revolution Leading Committee
  118. Kyauktada Strike Committee (KSC)
  119. La Communauté Birmane de France
  120. Latpadaung Region Strike Committee
  121. Let’s Help Each Other (LHEO)
  122. LGBT Alliance
  123. LGBT Alliance Myanmar (Kalay Region)
  124. LGBT Alliance Myanmar (Kyaukse Region)
  125. LGBT Community Yangon
  126. LGBT Union – Mandalay
  127. Listeners (နားဆင်သူများအဖွဲ့ )
  128. Magway People’s Revolution Committee
  129. Magway Region Human Rights Network (MHRN)
  130. Maharaungmyay Township People’s Strike
  131. Mandalar University Students’ Strike
  132. Mandalay Alliance Coalition Strike
  133. Mandalay Medical Family (MFM)
  134. Mandalay Strike Force (MSF)
  135. Mandalay Women Strike
  136. Mandalay Youth Strike
  137. Mandalay-based People’s Strike
  138. Mandalay-Based University Students’ Unions (MDY_SUs)
  139. MATA Sagaing
  140. MayMyo Strike Force
  141. Mekong Watch
  142. Metta Campaign Mandalay
  143. Minority Affairs Institute (MAI Myanmar)
  144. Monywa LGBT Strike
  145. Monywa People’s Strike Steering Committee
  146. Monywa Women Strike
  147. Monywa-Amyint Road Strike Leading Committee
  148. Monywa-Amyint Road Women Strike
  149. Multi-Religions Strike
  150. Mya Taung Strike
  151. Myanmar Accountability Project (MAP)
  152. Myanmar Action Group Denmark
  153. Myanmar anti-military coup movement in New Zealand
  154. Myanmar Campaign Network
  155. Myanmar Catholic Community In Norway
  156. Myanmar Community Group Christchurch New Zealand
  157. Myanmar Community Group Dunedin New Zealand
  158. Myanmar Community in Norway
  159. Myanmar Cultural Research Society (MCRS)
  160. Myanmar Engineers – New Zealand
  161. Myanmar Gonye (New Zealand)
  162. Myanmar Hindu Union
  163. Myanmar Institute of Information Technology Students’ Strike
  164. Myanmar Labor Alliance (MLA)
  165. Myanmar People Alliance (Shan State)
  166. Myanmar Students’ Union in New Zealand
  167. Myanmar Tourism Committee
  168. Myaung Youth Network
  169. MyaYar Knowledge Tree
  170. Myingyan Civilian Movement Committee
  171. Nelson Myanmar Community Group New Zealand
  172. Network for Human Rights Documentation–Burma (ND-Burma)
  173. Network of University Student Unions – Monywa
  174. New Myanmar Foundation (NMF)
  175. New Rehmonnya Federated Force – NRFF
  176. New York City Burmese community (NYCBC)
  177. New Zealand Campaign for Myanmar
  178. New Zealand Doctors for NUG
  179. New Zealand Karen Association
  180. New Zealand Zo Community Inc.
  181. NLD Organization Committee (International) Norway
  182. No Business With Genocide
  183. No.12 Basic Education Branch High School (Maharaungmyay) Students’ Union
  184. Norway Matu Community
  185. Norway Rvwang Community
  186. Nyan Lynn Thit Analytica
  187. Olive organization
  188. Overseas Mon Association. New Zealand
  189. Pa-O Women’s Union (PWU)
  190. Pale Township People’s Strike Steering Committee
  191. Peace and Social Justice Group
  192. Political Prisoners Network Myanmar (PPNM)
  193. Progressive Voice (PV)
  194. Purple Window Counselling
  195. Pwintphyu Development Organisation
  196. Pyi Gyi Tagon Strike Force
  197. Pyithu Gonye (New Zealand)
  198. Queers of Burma Alternative (QBA)
  199. Representative Committee of University Teacher Associations (RC of UTAs)
  200. Rohingya Community in Norway
  201. Rvwang Community Association New Zealand
  202. Samgha Sammaga-Mandalay
  203. Save Myanmar Fundraising Group (New Zealand)
  204. SEA Junction
  205. Seinpann Strike
  206. Shan Community (New Zealand)
  207. Shan MATA
  208. Shwe Pan Kone People`s Strike Steering Committee
  209. Sisters2Sisters
  210. Sitt Nyein Pann Foundation
  211. Southern Initiatives
  212. Southern Youth Development Organization
  213. Sujata Sisters Group (NZ)
  214. Support Group for Democracy in Myanmar (the Netherlands)
  215. Swedish Burma Committee (SBC)
  216. Ta’ang Students and Youth Union (TSYU)
  217. Ta’ang Women’s Organization (TWO)
  218. Taze Strike Committee
  219. Taze Women Strike
  220. Tenasserim River & Indigenous People Network
  221. Thakhin Kodaw Mhine Peace Network (Monywa)
  222. Thayat Chaung Women Strike
  223. The 88 Generation Peace and Open Society (Monywa)
  224. Twitter Team for Revolution (TTFR)
  225. U.S. Campaign for Burma
  226. University Students’ Unions Alumni Force
  227. Volunteers in Myanmar
  228. Wetlet Revolution Leading Committee
  229. Wetlet Township Women Strike
  230. White Coat Society Yangon (WCSY)
  231. Women Alliance Burma (WAB)
  232. Women Lead Resource Center (WLRC)
  233. Women’s League of Burma (WLB)
  234. Women’s Peace Network (WPN)
  235. Yadanabon University Students’ Union (YDNBUSU)
  236. Yangon Deaf Group
  237. Yangon Women Strike
  238. Yasakyo Township People`s Strike Steering Committee
  239. Yinmarpin and Salingyi All Villages Strike Committee
  240. Youth Empowerment (YE)
  241. Youth for Democratization of Myanmar (UDM)
  242. Zomi Christian Fellowship of Norway
  243. Zomi Community Norway
  244. ကရင်/ကြာအင်းဆိပ်ကြီးမြို့ သပိတ်အင်အားစု
  245. ဂန့်ဂေါဖွံ့ဖြိုးတိုးတက်ရေးအဖွဲ့
  246. နွေဦးရွက်သစ်
  247. ပြည်သူ့သပိတ်အင်အားစု
  248. မင်းဘူးတောင်သူများအစုအဖွဲ့
  249. မင်းလှတောင်သူများအစုအဖွဲ့
  250. မျိုးဆက်-Generations
  251. မြင်းခြံလူထုလှုပ်ရှားမှုကော်မတီ
  252. သမိုင်းသယ်ဆောင်သူများ
  253. သောင်ရင်းသတင်းလွှာ
  254. အညာလွင်ပြင်ရပ်ဝန်း

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At Least 11 Schoolkids Massacred in Myanmar Junta Air Raid in Sagaing

A junta airstrike on a school in a resistance stronghold in Sagaing Region’s Depayin Township on Monday killed at least 17 people, mostly students.

A fighter jet from Meiktila airbase dropped a 500 lb bomb on the school at O Htein Twin Village, where around 100 youngsters were studying, according to residents.

“The explosion was quite powerful,” a resident told The Irrawaddy. “By the time we heard the aircraft, the bomb had already dropped, so there was no time to escape, and many were killed and injured.”

A local education aid group said 17 people including several students were confirmed dead, and the death toll is expected to be higher. Around 30 others were injured, and some of them are in critical condition amid a lack of proper treatment in the area.

A photo released by local anti-regime activists shows the dead bodies of 11 students in school uniforms and a severed leg lying in the school grounds.

An official of the activist group Some Messages from Depayin told the Irrawaddy that the regime intentionally targeted the school as the township is under the administration of the parallel National Unity Government (NUG).

Locals and family members prepare the funerals of schoolkids who were killed in a junta airstrike on O Htein Twin Village, Depayin Township on Monday.  /S&C IDPs Aid Group

In September 2022, regime helicopter gunships also bombed the school of Let Yat Kone Village in Depayin, killing 13 people including seven children.

The junta declared a post-earthquake ceasefire until the end of May, but the NUG’s Human Rights Ministry on Monday said the regime conducted a total of 372 airstrikes across 13 states and regions between March 28 and May 9, killing 334 people and injuring 552 others.

Irrawaddy

Junta bombs a school in central Myanmar, kills at least 20 students

Two teachers also die in the airstrike in Sagaing and medical centers struggle to cope with the wounded.

Junta forces bombed a school in central Myanmar on Monday, killing at least 20 students, local sources and the country’s exiled civilian administration told Radio Free Asia. 

A fighter jet fired at Sagaing region’s Oe Htein Kwin village in Tabayin township, which is under rebel control.

The airstrike killed 20 students and two teachers, and more than 20 others were wounded, according to local sources who requested anonymity for safety reasons.

Earlier, Nay Bone Latt, a spokesperson for the prime minister’s office of the shadow National Unity Government said that 17 students had died but that the death toll could rise.

A school destroyed by a junta bombing at Oe Htein Kwin village in Tabayin township in Sagaing, May 12, 2025.
A school destroyed by a junta bombing at Oe Htein Kwin village in Tabayin township in Sagaing, May 12, 2025. (White Depeyin People Defence Force via AP) 

It was one of the deadliest attacks on children by the military since it seized power in a coup against an elected government four years ago, triggering widespread civil conflict.

The airstrike came despite the junta declaring a ceasefire until May 31 after a March 28 earthquake that killed more than 3,800 people, mostly in Sagaing and Mandalay regions. Airstrikes and heavy artillery attacks have continued, killing more than 200 people. 

Nay Bone Latt claimed that the children in school were intentionally targeted in the bombing. “The junta often uses propaganda to say after deliberately attacking areas with displaced people and children, that they were bombed because of revolutionary forces,” he told RFA.

Calls to junta spokesperson Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun went unanswered. But state-run MRTV television denied the reports of the airstrike on Monday evening’s news broadcast, saying subversive media outlets were intentionally spreading fake news, Associated Press reported.

Bodies are buried after a school was destroyed by a junta bombing at Oe Htein Kwin village in Tabayin township in Sagaing, May 12, 2025.
Bodies are buried after a school was destroyed by a junta bombing at Oe Htein Kwin village in Tabayin township in Sagaing, May 12, 2025. (AFP) 

The fighter jet, likely flying from Mandalay region’s Meiktila Air Force Base, attacked the school in Oe Htein Kwin village around 9:30 a.m., during class time, according to residents.

Medical centers nearby are overwhelmed because many victims are severely injured, one of the residents said. 

According to the nongovernment Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, which records fatalities in addition to numbers incarcerated by the junta, more than 6,600 civilians have been killed by security forces since the February 2021 coup.

A school destroyed by a junta bombing at Oe Htein Kwin village in Tabayin township in Sagaing, May 12, 2025.
A school destroyed by a junta bombing at Oe Htein Kwin village in Tabayin township in Sagaing, May 12, 2025. (AFP) 

The worst recorded fatal event for children since the coup was an April 11, 2023, airstrike on Pazigyi village, Kantbalu Township, Sagaing region, which killed 128 people, including 40 children.

Translated by Kiana Duncan. Reporting by Kyaw Kyaw Aung. Edited by Taejun Kang and Mat Pennington.

RFA News

UN Special Envoy Julie Bishop reported to UN Office of Internal Oversight Services over conflicts of interest

9 May 2025

On 4 May 2025, four Myanmar civil society organizations (CSOs)—Blood Money Campaign, Defend Myanmar Democracy, Karen Peace Support Network, and Progressive Voice—submitted a report of wrongdoing to the UN Office of Internal Oversight Services (OIOS) regarding the business activities of UN Special Envoy of the Secretary-General on Myanmar Julie Bishop.

This wrongdoing report to OIOS follows an open letter which 290 Myanmar, regional, and international civil society organizations sent to the UN Secretary-General and UN General Assembly (UNGA) on 17 March 2025, calling for an investigation into Julie Bishop’s business activities and the revocation of the Special Envoy’s mandate. OIOS is the UN’s internal oversight body, and it has operational independence under the authority of the Secretary-General.

In the 17 March letter and subsequent wrongdoing report, CSOs urged the Secretary-General to urgently investigate the Special Envoy’s business activities and connections to the mining industry and Chinese state-owned companies with reported commercial interests in Myanmar, including Shenghe Resources and China Communications Construction Company.

The UN has not responded to the civil society open letter, and the Secretary-General’s Office continues to defend Julie Bishop’s conduct, ignoring the serious concerns raised by civil society. Multiple international anti-corruption experts have stated that civil society concerns about Julie Bishop’s conflicts of interest are credible and warrant action by the UN.

The UN’s failure to respond to civil society’s concerns is all the more egregious given the UN Special Envoy on Myanmar’s mandate to engage “with all relevant stakeholders, including civil society, and affected populations.” Yet, the Secretary-General and the Special Envoy herself continue to ignore the Myanmar people.

With no meaningful response from the UN, Julie Bishop’s business activities related to China continue to endanger the human rights of the Myanmar people, as China remains a top source of military support and false legitimacy for the illegal Myanmar military junta, aiding and abetting the junta’s ongoing crimes against humanity and war crimes against the Myanmar people. These concerns have only deepened following the 28 March earthquake that devastated central Myanmar: Following the earthquake, China has provided substantial support to the military junta, under the guise of humanitarian aid, despite the junta’s continued weaponization of such quake-related aid for its own material and political gain.

Blood Money Campaign, Defend Myanmar Democracy, Karen Peace Support Network, and Progressive Voice urge OIOS to conduct a prompt, thorough, and transparent investigation into Julie Bishop’s business activities and publish the findings.

Khin Ohmar of Progressive Voice said, “If the UN’s desire to ‘end the hostilities’ and support the Myanmar people is genuine, it would immediately investigate Julie Bishop’s conflicts of interest, remove her from the position, and abolish the Special Envoy on Myanmar mandate. Julie Bishop further taints the UN’s reputation in Myanmar and beyond. It’s time for the UN to respect its own rules and regulations. OIOS must initiate a thorough and transparent investigation into Julie Bishop’s business activities without further delay and share those findings publicly.”

Naw Aung of Defend Myanmar Democracy said, “Julie Bishop’s connections to the mining industry and Chinese state-owned companies show a complete lack of integrity and are wholly untenable for a UN Special Envoy. The UNGA must seize this moment to revoke the mandate, and revamp the UN’s address of Myanmar’s crisis to be based on human rights rather than political lobbying.”

Mulan of Blood Money Campaign said, “China is a major arms supplier of the military junta, providing the fighter jets and drones used to murder civilians across Myanmar even after the earthquake on 28 March. Julie Bishop’s commercial interests with this complicit actor in the junta’s crimes must be immediately investigated by the UN. It must also finally end the mandate of the Special Envoy on Myanmar, which has been a total failure in producing meaningful change for the people. The Secretary-General himself must take the lead to end the military junta’s international crimes. Refusing to do so will only embolden the junta to continue its terror campaign against the people and thus further damage the little credibility the UN has left.”

Cherry of Karen Peace Support Network said, “The UN must respect our voices as civil society and stop doing harm in Myanmar. For more than four years, the UN has failed to take meaningful action to stop the junta’s war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide. The UN and the international community must stand with the Myanmar people and robustly support our revolution to build sustainable peace and an inclusive federal democracy. This support must start with opening an investigation regarding Julie Bishop’s conflicts of interest and publishing the findings.”

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