ND-Burma takes part in workshop examining role of truth in peace (Aceh, Indonesia)

ND-Burma took part in a workshop entitled “The Role of Truth in Strengthening Peace,” held in Aceh, Indonesia, 9-14 October 2017. The workshop brought together more than 100 policymakers, academics, civil society and survivors from the region to discuss the role of truth commissions in strengthening peace.

Participants reflected on the ways that truth commission have contributed to peace building in a number of post-conflict countries in the region and discussed how they could push for such a mechanism in countries that have not yet begun an official process of truth, justice and reform.

Discussions took place in Aceh, where a peace agreement was signed between the Government of Indonesia and the Free Aceh Movement in 2005. The agreement included the establishment of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (KKR Aceh) and human rights courts. Participants had the opportunity to meet with KKR Aceh during the workshop.

The workshop was organised by KKR Aceh together with Asia Justice and Rights (AJAR), KontraS Aceh, ICAIOS, Kata Hati, LBH Aceh and the Transitional Justice Asia Network (TJAN). TJAN includes AJAR and KontraS Aceh (Indonesia), ND-Burma (Myanmar), Suriya Women’s Development Centre (Sri Lanka), Alternative Law Groups (Philippines) and the Cross Cultural Foundation (Thailand).

Magyi Khon Nang Wants Justice

By NAN LWIN HNIN PWINT 18 October 2017

An ethnic Kachin woman in faded clothes, carrying a small baby, entered the compound of the Myanmar Army Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) 319 in Kachin State’s Mansi Township.

She came to attend a military court hearing and to seek justice for her late husband who was killed before she gave birth to their last child, who is now three months old.

In 2014, Magyi Khon Nang fled clashes between the Tatmadaw and Kachin Independence Army (KIA) along with her husband Labya Naw Hkum from their village Kaung Kha in Mansi Township, to a camp for displaced persons in Mai Hkaung Village.

On May 25 this year, Labya Naw Hkum left home to work as a day laborer as usual. But he never came back. He was one of three displaced civilians arrested, killed and buried in the jungle by a column of LIB 319 soldiers on their way home.

Six soldiers are thought to be responsible for the killings. Magyi Khon Nang was at LIB 319, at the company’s invitation, to attend the trial at a military court for the case.

“I want justice. To recompense for my loss and sorrow, I wish [the soldiers responsible] to be handed life imprisonment,” said Magyi Khon Nang as she went red in the face.

Soothing the whimpering baby in her hands the mother of three said: “I was eight months pregnant when her father died. I had difficulties to go to the hospital and had to give birth at my home,” she said.

“That day, [my husband] said he would do some casual jobs. I remember that he was wearing a shirt with a ‘peace’ logo given by the camp, and carrying a bag made from a rice bag given by the World Food Program (WFP). He told the children that he would find money and come back home in the evening,” she recounted.

“My three kids don’t have anyone to call ‘Dad’ as their Dad is dead now,” she said, wiping away the tears.

Labya Naw Hkum, 27, together with friends Nhkum Gam Aung, 31 and Maram Brang Seng, 22 went to work as day laborers to carry logs at Hkapra Yang, some five miles from the camp in Mai Hkaung Village.

On their way back home, they were killed and buried in the jungle, some four miles from Mai Hkaung Village by a column of LIB 319 soldiers on patrol.

Laphai Nan Ban, mother of Maran Brang Seng, said: “He got the job to carry logs. Sometimes he got 5,000 kyats a day, and sometimes 10,000 kyats. He gave the money to us, which we used on food and healthcare.”

WFP has been providing foods to displaced persons’ camps in Kachin State for years, but since the end of 2016, it has reduced food rations.

In Mai Hkaung Camp where Laphai Nan Ban and Magyi Khon Nang are sheltering, a person only gets some 10 kilograms of rice, oil and 2,500 kyats (less than US$2) for a whole month, which has forced the men to do casual jobs to cover household expenses.

Maram Roi Ja, wife of Nhkum Gam Aung, said: “He was the only breadwinner in my family. Now I am the one left to support our family. I am very depressed. I can’t do anything.”

Both Maran Brang Seng and Nhkum Gam Aung are survived by their two-year-old children.

“Witnesses told us that a military column arrested and killed our husbands. Then we looked for their bodies together with community elders. We found them on May 28,” said Wahgyi Seng Mai, wife of Maram Brang Seng.

“My son’s body was carried on a truck to the cemetery in the evening [after it was uncovered]. I was so sad and I didn’t care about the rotten smell or the feeling of nausea. Others were covering their noses with their hands and tried to move away, but I didn’t want to,” said Maran Brang Seng’s mother Laphai Nan Ban.

“I wanted to go near him and hug him but they did not allow me to go near him. I could see him clearly. His face was decomposing and some parts of it were torn apart.”

Laphai Nan Ban, mother of Maran Brang Seng. (The Irrawaddy)

Her son was the only breadwinner in her five-member family, and she had no idea what to do to survive, she said.

Camp organizers and community elders then sent the bodies to Mansi Hospital and filed a complaint with Mansi Township police station along with autopsy results.

According to autopsy results, the three had sustained gunshots, knife wounds, skull fractures, and bursting eyes.

On May 30, the Office of the Commander-in-Chief released a statement that an investigation would be carried out into their deaths. The LIB also made an internal investigation.

Six soldiers, including a battalion commander and three captains, have been charged with the murder.

Three captains, a lance corporal and a private are charged with several provisions of the military act equivalent to the charges of murder, aiding and abetting, and ordering murder in the Penal Code.

The commander is charged with murder and making a false report.

The military court heard testimony from camp organizers of Mai Hkaung, the village administrator of Mai Hkaung village and police of Mansi Township before hearing from the soldiers.

LIB 319 on Sept. 15 invited the families of victims, Kachin civil society organizations and reporters to attend the court hearing. The Irrawaddy attended on Sept. 18.

Three colonels were acting as judges at the military court, and the accused soldiers took oath that they would testify the truth.

According to their testimony, they met and arrested La Nan who was carrying illicit drugs and around 4 million kyats with him before they encountered three civilians who they also arrested.

One of the captains later released La Nan for fear that seeing a drug pusher together with their column would give rise to misunderstanding. The private was ordered to guard the three arrested civilians. One of them died due to unintentional discharge, according to the testimony.

La Nan informed the victims’ families about their arrest after he was released, otherwise their bodies could not have been retrieved, said Laphai Nan Ban.

“Because of La Nan, we came to know that my son was killed by soldiers. Otherwise, there won’t be any evidence and we’d not have known where they were buried,” she said.

La Nan did not appear at the court for testimony, however, since no one knows where he lives.

Captains testified that they informed the death of a civilian to the commander by phone, and the commander implied killing all three of them because the area is supposed to be a prohibited area for civilians.

“It is no man’s land, no man’s land area. Kill all three. If you are clever enough, you can even shift the blame,” the commander was quoted as saying by the captains.

The commander instructed them to bury the bodies carefully in order to avoid people discovering them, testified the captains. And the commander also falsely reported to the senior officers that the three were accidentally shot as they attempted to grab the guns.

Family members of Maran Brang Seng. (The Irrawaddy)

The military court heard the case in one day from 9 a.m. to 5 p.m. except for lunch and short breaks. During the lunch break, some soldiers were babysitting the baby girl of Magyi Khon Nang.

A military officer of LIB 319 told The Irrawaddy: “They [soldiers] have got their salaries cut since the trial begun.”
This was the first time officials of Kachin Baptist Convention (KBC), which is helping displaced persons in Kachin State, local Kachin civil society organizations (CSOs) and media were allowed to attend a military trial over the deaths of Kachin civilians since renewed clashes broke out in Kachin State over six years ago.

Victims’ families and Kachin CSOs, however, doubt if fitting penalties will be imposed on the perpetrators.

“So far we’re satisfied with the court hearing. But we’ll have to wait and see what the final verdict will be,” said La Ja of KBC.

Officials of LIB 319 have reported the testimonies to the upper level, and are waiting for the verdict.

“If soldiers are sentenced to less than one year in prison, they will be kept in a cell at the military camp. If they are sentenced to more than one year, they will be sent to a civilian prison, in this case Bhamo Prison,” said a military officer.

Service personnel—either the rank and file or officers—automatically become civilians if they are jailed more than one year, he said.

The widows of the three slain civilians said they feel like their life is now hopeless, having to assume the responsibility to raise their children alone.

“If they are to be punished, they deserve it because they killed our husbands. But, for me and my children, we’ve lost our whole life. We can get nothing back,” said Magyi Khon Nang.

Myanmar/Burma: Council adopts conclusions

The Council adopted the following conclusions on Myanmar/Burma:

“1.  The humanitarian and human rights situation in Rakhine State is extremely serious. There are deeply worrying reports of continuing arson and violence against people and serious human rights violations, including indiscriminate firing of weapons, the presence of landmines and sexual and gender based violence. This is not acceptable and must end immediately. More than 500 000 people, mostly Rohingya, have fled their homes and sought refuge in Bangladesh, as a result of violence and fear. When so many people are displaced so quickly this strongly indicates a deliberate action to expel a minority. Therefore it is of utmost importance that refugees can return in safety and dignity. Access for humanitarian assistance and the media is severely restricted in Rakhine State. Needs can therefore not be fully assessed nor addressed.

2.  The EU has called on all sides to bring an immediate end to all violence. It urges the Myanmar/Burma military to end its operations and to ensure the protection of all civilians without discrimination and to fully observe international human rights law. The EU also reiterates its call on the Myanmar/Burma government to take all measures to defuse tensions between communities; grant full, safe and unconditional humanitarian access without delay, including for UN, ICRC, and international NGOs; and establish a credible and practical process to enable the safe, voluntary, dignified, and sustainable return of all those who fled their homes to their places of origin. The EU has stepped up its humanitarian assistance for Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh and stands ready to extend its activities in Rakhine State in favour of all people in need once access is granted.

3.  The EU and its Member States reconfirm their strong engagement underlined in its Strategy on Myanmar (June 2016) to support the country’s democratic transition, peace, national reconciliation and socio-economic development. In this context, the EU stands ready to support the government of Myanmar/Burma in order to ensure the swift and full implementation of the recommendations of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State, including the crucial issue of citizenship for the stateless Rohingya population. The EU welcomes that the government has set-up an Inter-Ministerial Committee for the implementation of these recommendations.

4.  The EU welcomes the State Counsellor’s commitment to bringing all the perpetrators of human rights violations and other criminal acts to justice, in accordance with the rule of law to avoid all impunity, and her statement on 19 September that Myanmar/Burma does not fear international scrutiny. Credible allegations of serious human rights violations and abuses, including brutal attacks on children, must be thoroughly investigated. In this context the EU urges Myanmar/Burma to cooperate fully with the Human Rights Council’s independent international Fact-Finding Mission and to allow it full, safe and unhindered access to the country without delay. The EU welcomes that the UN Human Rights Council recently extended the mandate of the Fact-Finding Mission.

5.  Furthermore, the EU encourages Myanmar/Burma to enter into a dialogue with its neighbouring countries, in particular Bangladesh, on finding solutions to common concerns, notably the repatriation of refugees to their place of origin, in the spirit of good neighbourly relations. The EU appreciates the constructive role played by Bangladesh under difficult circumstances.

6.  In the light of the disproportionate use of force carried out by the security forces, the EU and its Member States will suspend invitations to the Commander-in-chief of the Myanmar/Burma armed forces and other senior military officers and review all practical defence cooperation. The EU confirms the relevance of the current EU restrictive measures which consist of an embargo on arms and on equipment that can be used for internal repression. The Council may consider additional measures if the situation does not improve but also stands ready to respond accordingly to positive developments.

7.  The humanitarian situation of populations affected by conflict in Kachin and Shan States, including 100.000 internally displaced people, is also of great concern. Humanitarian assistance has also been severely curtailed there and the EU calls on the government of Myanmar/Burma to restore humanitarian access to all communities affected in these areas.

8.  The EU will continue to address these vital issues and all challenges linked to the process of democratic transition in the framework of its continuing engagement with the government of Myanmar/Burma and in all relevant international fora, notably the UN. The EU also intends to seize the opportunity of the forthcoming ASEM Foreign Ministerial Meeting (Nay Pyi Taw, 20/21 November 2017) to engage, in the margins thereof, in a constructive dialogue with the government and will also continue to liaise with all Asian partners in this regard. The EU also encourages its partners in ASEAN and the region to engage in this process.”

September Burma justice news: Rakhine, former child soldier faces jail, land rights, ten year anniversary of Saffron Revolution, and more.

Seeking Justice in Burma

September 2017

 Crisis in Rakhine

Since the beginning of the latest military „clearance‟ operations in northern Rakhine State, news from Burma has been dominated by allegations of grave human rights violations against the local Muslim community by the Burmese military.

The UN human rights chief has called the operations a “textbook example of ethnic cleansing” and Human Rights Watch believes the military’s actions amount to “crimes against humanity”.

The Rohingya insurgent group ARSA has also allegedly murdered civilians.

Since ND-Burma began documenting human rights abuses in 2004, we have recorded some 6,000 violations such as the ones reportedly being carried out in northern Rakhine. ND-Burma condemns in the strongest terms any human rights abuses being carried out by government security forces and insurgents.

As long as the government blocks access to international investigators and the media it will be impossible to verify these allegations. ND-Burma therefore urges the government to allow access to the UN fact finding mission as well as the media. The recent government sponsored visit of foreign diplomats and UN officials is a positive start.

Those that have committed human rights abuses must be held accountable. As the current crisis has shown, as long as there is impunity for abuses, they will continue. Indeed, former UN Special Rapporteur on Myanmar Tomas Quintana explicitly linked the current crisis with Burma‟s decision not to pursue transitional justice as part of its democratisation process.

Military withdraws case against journalists;

Former child soldier faces jail for radio interview

The beginning of the month saw some good news with the military withdrawing criminal complaints against six journalists under Section 17(1) of the Unlawful Association Act. The journalists had been arrested along with two others in June after attending a drug burning organised by the Ta‟ang National Liberation Army. The case was roundly condemned as an attempt to punish journalists for “simply doing their job”.

A former child soldier who spoke about his experience on the radio has not been so lucky and remains in custody under section 505(b) of the Penal Code, which has him accused of “intent to cause … fear or alarm to the public”. His sister has said she believes that with the military as the complainant in the case, “only one outcome is possible”.

NLD vows to deliver constitutional reform as monks reiterate calls for change

The NLD has reaffirmed its commitment to changing the country‟s 2008 Constitution at an event celebrating its 29th anniversary. The statement came a few days after monks reiterated calls for constitutional change at an event to mark the anniversary of the Saffron revolution

Confiscated land returned to farmers in Magway;

FIDH report warns of potential “land conflict epidemic”

More good news on land returns as 2,600 acres of land confiscated by the government in 2000 was given back to some 300 farmers in Magway region.

Less good news in a report published by FIDH, which examined human rights violations committed at the Mandalay Myotha industrial Park. The report found that authorities tasked with calculating how much land had been seized from locals frequently under-calculated by some 75-90% and demanded bribes to measure the land accurately. The report warned of a “land conflict epidemic” if land rights legislation was not amended.

ND-Burma legal advisor calls for justice for democracy fighters on ten year anniversary of Saffron Revolution

In an article for Oxford University’s Tea Circle blog to mark the ten year anniversary of the Saffron Revolution, ND-Burma‟s legal advisor Aileen Thomson called on the Burmese government to deliver social justice to those who have fought for democracy:

“Thousands of people throughout Myanmar made incredible sacrifices to move the country towards democracy. […] For that, they have suffered imprisonment, exile, stigmatization, unemployment and have been left otherwise unable to fully participate in their society and enjoy the gains of their struggle. Now that the leaders of that movement have power, now that the country is, in fact, moving slowly towards democracy, those who helped make that happen should be able to enjoy the benefits as well.”

Family of Japanese journalist murdered in 2007 continue to demand answers

The family of a Japanese journalist shot by the military during the 2007 Saffron Revolution are continuing to demand the Burmese government open an investigation into his death. In a letter sent to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi on the ten year anniversary of Kenji Nagai‟s death, his sister asked for government acknowledgement that he was killed by soldiers, as well as the return of the camera he was holding when he was shot. The military continues to deny he was shot at point blank range, despite the existence of a Pulitzer prize winning photo showing a soldier pointing a rifle directly at him as he lies dying on the floor.

 

Opinion: Without justice, the innocent will continue to be killed in Burma

Veronica Collins, ND-Burma
Abuses reportedly being carried out in Rakhine are the same as have been documented across the country – especially in ethnic nationality areas – since 2004, writes Veronica Collins of the Network for Human Rights Documentation in Burma.

At a recent democracy forum held in Burma’s capital Nay Pyi Taw, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was clear about who she believes is to blame for the country’s problems. “The victims of the past, those who can’t shatter the shackles of the past, have caused a lot of hindrances in the democratic transition,” she told those assembled.

The Nobel Laureate’s comments came before the current crisis in Rakhine, where the Burmese military has been accused of a campaign of “ethnic cleansing” by the UN, resulting in the most rapid outflow of refugees since the Rwandan genocide in 1991. Those fleeing the violence arrive in Bangladesh with testimonies of horrific human rights violations, bullet wounds and marks of sexual violence.

It seems it is not victims, but the military that is a ‘hindrance’ on Burma’s path to democracy.

For the last 13 years, the Network for Human Rights Documentation (ND-Burma) has been recording human rights violations and fighting for justice for victims. The abuses reportedly being carried out in Rakhine are the same we have been documenting across the country – especially in ethnic nationality areas – since 2004. Though some violations are committed by ethnic armed organizations, the large majority are carried out by government security forces.

As the world’s attention is on Rakhine, the military has in fact renewed offensives in ethnic nationality areas on the other side of the country. As always, these have been accompanied by allegations of rights violations against civilians.

Indeed, ND-Burma’s documentation suggests that the military has not been restrained by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s government. Over the course of 2016 – the NLD’s first year in office – ND-Burma recorded almost double the number of human rights violations than in the previous year. As in Rakhine, denial of wrongdoing and impunity for abuses continue to be the norm.

A refusal to examine the country’s bloody past has resulted in the military carrying on with business as usual. ND-Burma believes the only way to stop the cycle of violence is to deliver justice for Burma’s many victims of human rights violations. Those that have committed grave human rights violations need to be held accountable and victims be given the support they need to rebuild their lives.

Currently, impunity and illiberalism is coded into the country’s institutions and laws. The military is not under civilian control and the Constitution it drafted in 2008 provides soldiers de facto immunity from prosecution. 25% of seats in the parliament are reserved for the military and three important ministries continue to be under their control.

When the NLD took office only last year, hope was sky high, both at home and abroad. The Dalai Lama spoke of a “historic milestone for Myanmar,” and “the immense goodwill and worldwide support for this flowering of democracy.” Having refused to investigate the military’s past abuses against civilians, this hope has quickly evaporated.

As a start, Burma needs to give unfettered access to the UN Fact Finding mission to investigate allegations of grave human rights abuses across the country. Most victims ND-Burma interviews say they want nothing more than an end to conflict and guarantees that no one will ever face these abuses again. This will require institutional reform and a drastic recalibration of the military’s role in Burmese politics.

In a case recorded by ND-Burma in 2010, a monk was arrested and tortured by the military for carrying out political activities in support of the NLD. When he refused to speak, the soldiers beating him said “we have the right to kill you, we will not be punished and nobody can take us to court because we are the state caretakers.”

If this attitude is ever to change, Burma will need to start talking about justice.

 

The Network for Human Rights Documentation (ND-Burma) is a 13-member organization whose members represent a range of ethnic nationalities, women and the LGBTI community. We have been documenting human rights abuses and fighting for justice for victims since 2004.

 

http://www.coalitionfortheicc.org

Memory of Sacrifice: Memory, Justice and the Saffron Revolution

Aileen Thomson reflects on commemorations of the pro-democracy struggle.

[This week’s posts on Tea Circle represent the start of our forum on the “Saffron Revolution,” during which we will feature submissions by those analyzing, debating, and reflecting upon the impact of Myanmar’s 2007 demonstrations, 10 years on. We will continue to accept submissions through the coming weeks, so if you would like to add your voice, whether in your own post or in the form of a response to another, please see our Call for Submissions or write to our editors at: editor@teacircleoxford.com.]

Over the past few years, anniversaries of major events in the Myanmar pro-democracy movement, including the Saffron Revolution, are commemorated with the laying of memorial wreaths for those who were killed, speeches by movement leaders about the continuing struggle, and retrospective pieces in the media reflecting on how far the country has come, and how far there is yet to go.

Well-known leaders of the democracy movement are lauded, but the lesser-known, ordinary laypeople and monks continue to suffer the impacts of their involvement in protests like the Saffron Revolution. Their time in prison and association with the then-banned organizations continues to stigmatize them and their families, preventing them from full participation in society. Now that leaders of the democracy movement are leading the government, they should make clear that those who fought for democracy are to be celebrated, not shunned, and take steps to enable their full participation in the social, economic and political life of the country.

To the puzzlement of many outside observers, memorial events are relatively devoid of outrage and demands for justice, despite the state’s brutal response to the protests. The rhetoric focuses on the bravery and sacrifice of the protesters and activists, not the horrific acts committed by those in power. Some have attributed this to a Buddhist tendency toward forgiveness, and others to a calculated political maneuvering by activists still engaged in the day-to-day struggles to consolidate and improve democracy. While both are likely factors in many cases, there is more nuance in this rhetoric.

When it comes to justice for those killed, injured, tortured and detained in the Saffron Revolution, the way the events are remembered is instructive. By their words and actions, monks and lay members of the pro-democracy movement remember their fallen colleagues as heroes who gave of themselves for the betterment of the country, not as helpless victims of a brutal regime. For many, to focus on their victimhood is to belittle their bravery in the face of known risks, to retroactively invalidate their agency and the choices they made.

These dynamics should not be seen as a rejection of justice, but as setting forth a framework within which demands for justice should be understood. Official recognition and commemoration, done well, may go a long way to providing justice for victims of political imprisonment and of violence against protesters, addressing some of the consequences of the violations and providing a remedy to the victims. If former political prisoners and other pro-democracy activists are celebrated publicly as heroes rather than ostracized as criminals, perhaps they will have an easier time reintegrating into their communities, finding employment and restoring family ties.

For the most impact, recognition must come from the government, a more authoritative, wide-reaching source than a small group of activists holding ceremonies on anniversaries. Acknowledgment of wrongful imprisonment and recognition of activists’ contribution to the society should be done on an individual basis, in a way that makes it clear to families, communities and future employers that there should be no obstacle to that person’s full participation in the social, economic and political life of the country. Meaningful recognition and commemoration should also include expunging criminal records, removing notations on identity cards, restoring revoked professional licenses, and restoring citizenship and related rights to those who are still in exile.

This is not to say that those who suffered do not deserve justice, whether in the form of reparation, truth, criminal justice or some combination of those objectives. In fact, when commemorating the Saffron Revolution, many have called for assistance to survivors, an apology from the government, and institutional reform to prevent recurrence. Some have demanded prosecution of those who ordered the crackdown. However, at least at this historical moment, the focus is on recognition and commemoration – as heroes of the democracy movement who unjustly but bravely suffered for the good of the country.

Thousands of people throughout Myanmar made incredible sacrifices to move the country towards democracy. They braved the streets in demonstrations, spread information obtained from banned sources, rallied support for the movement’s leadership, and did millions of other everyday acts of resistance. For that, they have suffered imprisonment, exile, stigmatization, unemployment and have been left otherwise unable to fully participate in their society and enjoy the gains of their struggle. Now that the leaders of that movement have power, now that the country is, in fact, moving slowly towards democracy, those who helped make that happen should be able to enjoy the benefits as well.

Aileen Thomson is an independent expert on justice and human rights with a particular focus on transitional justice in Asia. She was previously the Head of Office for the International Center for Transitional Justice in Myanmar and Nepal. She has a J.D. (law) and a M.A. (international affairs) from the American University in Washington, D.C.

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