ND Burma
ND-Burma formed in 2004 in order to provide a way for Burma human rights organizations to collaborate on the human rights documentation process. The 13 ND-Burma member organizations seek to collectively use the truth of what communities in Burma have endured to advocate for justice for victims. ND-Burma trains local organizations in human rights documentation; coordinates members’ input into a common database using Martus, a secure open-source software; and engages in joint-advocacy campaigns.
Recent Posts
- Open letter from Myanmar, regional and international civil society organizations to ASEAN to End Myanmar Military’s Violence, Advance Accountability and Operationalize Cross-border Humanitarian Aid
- Press Release – Rights-Based Reform: ASEAN Five Years on from the 5-Point Consensus
- Rights-Based Reform: ASEAN Five Years on from 5-Point Consensus
- [Open Letter] SEANF must remove membership of junta-controlled Myanmar National Human Rights Commission
- President Win Myint freed in broad Myanmar prisoner amnesty
OPEN LETTER: UN HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL MUST TAKE CONCRETE ACTION TO SUPPORT THE MYANMAR PEOPLE’S EFFORTS TO BUILD A RIGHTS-PROTECTING FUTURE
/in Press Releases and StatementsTo: Member and Observer States of the UN Human Rights Council
CC: UN High Commissioner for Human Rights
UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar
20 February 2025
Open letter: UN Human Rights Council must take concrete action to support the Myanmar people’s efforts to build a rights-protecting future
Your Excellencies,
We—the undersigned 121 Myanmar, regional, and international civil society organizations (CSOs)—call on the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) to adopt a meaningful and robust resolution, during the UNHRC’s 58th regular session, that protects the human rights of the Myanmar people, supports their ongoing efforts to build federal democracy, impedes the military junta’s capacity to conduct airstrikes and other atrocities across the country, and advances accountability through all possible avenues.
We welcome the UNHRC resolution adopted on 4 April 2024, which recognizes the junta’s escalating violence against civilians and its increasing violations of international law. We further welcome that the crisis in Myanmar remains high on the Council’s agenda. We recognize, nonetheless, that the resolution falls short in adequately addressing the extreme severity of the human rights and humanitarian crisis in Myanmar—now in its fifth year.
Of utmost concern is the Myanmar military junta’s reported plan to hold an election this year or next year—in spite of the absence of any legitimacy or legal basis to do so, as well as its lack of effective control of Myanmar’s territory. This sham election represents the junta’s exit strategy from its failed coup, aimed to silence the people’s will for federal democracy, claim power, and once again legitimize and normalize military tyranny in Myanmar. The junta has already begun deploying its violence against civilians in order to hold its sham election—by, for example, using armed personnel to intimidate civilians into participating in its sham census last year. The UNHRC must unequivocally reject the junta’s plans for this sham election. The Council must put a spotlight on and take steps to prevent the deployment of violence and other coercive tactics used to force people into participating in this farcical exercise.
Today, the people of Myanmar—through the National Unity Government (NUG), the National Unity Consultative Council, and federal units including ethnic councils—are building federal democracy from the ground up, including by establishing local government administrations; developing policies on transitional justice, gender equality, and minority rights; and providing public services, including healthcare and education. These efforts are all in pursuit of an inclusive and peaceful Myanmar where protection of human rights and access to justice are a reality for all people and all communities. We urge the UNHRC to demonstrate its recognition of and support for the Myanmar people’s tireless efforts and immeasurable sacrifices to build inclusive federal democracy in the face of the military junta’s relentless violence. We further urge the UNHRC to recognize and support the efforts of the NUG, as the legitimate interim government of Myanmar, together with the people of Myanmar to establish inclusive federal democracy in the country.
For the past four years, the military junta has deliberately carried out widespread and systematic atrocities, including, but not limited to, airstrikes, extrajudicial killings, massacres, sexual and gender-based violence, arson attacks, mass arbitrary arrests, and torture against civilians throughout Myanmar. Since its failed coup attempt, the junta has arbitrarily arrested at least 28,600 people; killed more than 6,200, including more than 2,200 by airstrikes; and committed more than 310 massacres. According to the UN, more than 3.5 million people are internally displaced as of 17 February 2025. Since the coup attempt, an estimated 142,800 people have fled from Myanmar to other countries in the Asia-Pacific region as of 31 December 2024. These statistics are most likely a gross underestimation of the true magnitude of displacement.
Over the last two years in particular, the junta has escalated its airstrikes on civilian communities and infrastructure, bombing internally displaced person (IDP) camps, schools, hospitals and other medical facilities, and places of worship and other religious sites. In 2024, the junta conducted 2,504 airstrikes—averaging nearly seven airstrikes per day, and representing a nearly 104% increase compared to its total airstrikes in 2023. On 31 December 2024, the junta launched two airstrikes on an IDP camp in Loikaw Township, Karenni State, killing multiple civilians, including women and children. Over the last two months, the junta has begun using paramotors to attack and killcivilians, targeting their villages and homes—resulting in more than a dozen deaths since December 2024.
In this context, we welcome the UNHRC’s rightful recognition, in last year’s resolution, of the serious human rights and humanitarian implications of the junta’s airstrikes and other atrocity crimes. However, as the junta continues to increase its aerial attacks on civilians with complete impunity, we strongly urge the UNHRC to call for a comprehensive global arms embargo and targeted sanctions on aviation fuel as a necessary step to save lives in Myanmar. The reality remains that any transfer, sale, or diversion of arms, munitions, aviation fuel, and other military equipment to the junta is aiding and abetting its war crimes, crimes against humanity, and other crimes under international law. With Myanmar people’s lives in increasing danger, we have repeatedly called for the international community to sanction the supply of aviation fuel for military purposes and impose a global arms embargo in order to diminish the military junta’s capacity to bomb civilian communities nationwide. It is incredibly disheartening that our calls continue to go unheeded, with media reports indicating that Russia and China have supplied the Myanmar military with combatant drones over the past year.
We further welcome the UNHRC’s continued emphasis on regular monitoring and reporting on the situation in Myanmar, including by the High Commissioner’s forthcoming report on “pathways to fulfil the people of Myanmar’s aspirations for human rights protection, accountability, democracy and a civilian government,” as well as the continuing mandate of the Special Rapporteur. These are essential to keeping the situation in Myanmar in the international spotlight and urging the international community to take more concrete action.
Nevertheless, the need remains for the Council to strengthen efforts to ensure justice and accountability without further delay. With the utmost urgency, the UNHRC must lead the call for the referral of the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court (ICC) or the establishment of a criminal prosecutorial body on Myanmar by the UN General Assembly or the UN Security Council. Furthermore, we urge the Council to welcome the declaration submitted by the NUG in 2022 under Article 12(3) of the Rome Statute at the ICC accepting the Court’s jurisdiction over international crimes committed in Myanmar since 1 July 2002.
We further urge the UNHRC to call for UN Member States, agencies, and mechanisms to provide financial, political, and technical support for ongoing universal jurisdiction efforts, including in Argentina. We also call on Member States, in particular States Parties to the Rome Statute, to take concrete action to advance justice and accountability by referring the crisis in Myanmar to the ICC under Article 14 of the Rome Statute, as called for by the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar.
In a critical step towards accountability and objective documentation of the situation in Myanmar, the Global Alliance of National Human Rights Institutions (GANHRI) removed the accreditation status of the junta-controlled Myanmar National Human Rights Commission (MNHRC) from its global human rights network as of 31 December 2024. The MNHRC’s removal—which follows almost four years of consistent efforts by local, regional, and international civil society—reflects its complicity in the junta’s widespread and systematic human rights violations, in blatant non-compliance with the Paris Principles. We call on the UNHRC to recognize GANHRI’s decision regarding the MNHRC as a significant development towards a rights-protecting future in Myanmar.
We remain disappointed and alarmed by the UN’s deference to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), including its failed Five-Point Consensus (5PC), as a realistic pathway to addressing the crisis in Myanmar. ASEAN’s misguided reliance on the failed 5PC, despite the junta’s blatant disregard thereof, only emboldens the junta to continue its violence against the Myanmar people—eroding any confidence in ASEAN to stop the junta’s campaign of terror, protect human rights, provide humanitarian aid, and save lives. ASEAN’s ongoing engagement with and support for the junta has also allowed the proliferation of transnational organized crime within and across Myanmar’s borders, threatening the security and stability of the region and putting people around the world at risk. The UN can no longer hide behind ASEAN as a substitute for taking direct, concrete action to protect the Myanmar people. The UNHRC must strongly recommend and assist ASEAN to move beyond the 5PC in order to achieve a Myanmar people-led and people-centered solution to the crisis.
The UNHRC must fully support the Myanmar people’s efforts in laying the foundations of bottom-up federal democracy and their “aspirations for human rights protection, inclusivity, accountability, democracy and a civilian government.” We call for increased international support for justice initiatives, including for the Council to seek all possibilities for the establishment of a special tribunal to prosecute crimes committed in Myanmar.
For further information, please contact:
Signed by 121 civil society organizations, including two organizations that have chosen not to disclose their names:
Download PDF in English I Burmese.
Human rights and transitional justice
/in Other Human Rights ReportsReport of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for
Human Rights*
In the present report, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human
Rights (OHCHR) identifies examples of good practices and lessons learned related to
transitional justice processes in the context of sustaining peace and sustainable development,
notably Sustainable Development Goal 16, drawn from regional consultations and research
carried out pursuant to Human Rights Council resolution 51/23. The examples of good
practices are victim-centred, inclusive, gender-responsive and innovative, and contribute to
an early, tangible or transformational impact on victims and affected communities. Many
have been developed by victims’ associations and grass-roots organizations, notably those
led by women, and contribute to the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals.
The objective of the report is to convey the good practices presented during the
regional meetings, which are particularly applicable in challenging and adverse contexts in
which preconditions for transitional justice are absent. In those contexts, a series of initiatives
can lay the ground for future transitional justice processes and harness their transformative
potential for peace and development.
Based on the good practices and lessons learned, the report contains
recommendations, including to maximize the impact and ensure the sustainability of good
practices through their expansion, the adoption of similar measures and the provision of
dedicated support and complementary measures, as part of a holistic approach to transitional
justice that promotes truth, justice, reparation and guarantees of non-recurrence.
အတိတ်မှ ဆိုးရွားသည့် အကြီးအကျယ် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများ ထပ်မံမဖြစ်ပွားစေရေးအ တွက် အာမခံခြင်း (Guarantees of non-recurrence)
/in Cartoon Animationအသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးကာလတရားမျှတမှု (TJ) ၏ လုပ်ငန်းစဥ် တခုမှာ အတိတ်မှ ဆိုးရွားသည့် အကြီးအကျယ် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများ ထပ်မံမဖြစ်ပွားစေရေးအတွက် အာမခံခြင်း (Guarantees of non-recurrence) ဖြစ်သည်။ အတိတ်မှ ဆိုးရွားကြမ်းကြုတ် ရက်စက်မှုများ ထပ်မံမဖြစ်ပွားစေရေးအတွက် ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေ အပါအဝင် မတရား ဖိနှိပ်သည့် ဥပဒေများ၊ တရားဥပဒေစိုးမိုးရန် တာဝန်ရှိသည့် ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့၊ အကျဥ်းဦးစီးဌာနကဲ့သို့ ဌာနဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ ပြုပြင်ပြောင်းလဲခြင်း၊ နိင်ငံတော် ကာကွယ်ရေးအတွက် တာဝန်ရှိသည့် စစ်တပ်ကဲ့သို့ လက်နက်ကိုင် တပ်ဖွဲ့များ ပြုပြင်ပြောင်းလဲခြင်းများကို ဆောင်ကြသည့် “အဖွဲ့အစည်းဆိုင်ရာ ပြုပြင် ပြောင်းလဲရေး” (Institutional Reform) လုပ်ငန်းများဖြင့် ဆောင်ရွက်ကြသည်။
အဖွဲ့အစည်းဆိုင်ရာ ပြုပြင်ပြောင်းလဲခြင်း သည် TJ လုပ်ငန်းစဥ် ၄ ခုအနက်မှ အနာဂတ်အတွက် ရည်ရွယ်၍ ဆောင်ရွက်သည့် လုပ်ငန်းလည်းဖြစ်သည်။ အဆိုပါ လုပ်ငန်းစဥ်များအား အကြမ်းအားဖြင့် အောက်ပါအတိုင်း တွေ့ရသည်။
၁။ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေအသစ် ရေးဆွဲခြင်း
၂။ ပညာရေးစနစ်အတွက် ပြုပြင်ပြောင်းလဲခြင်း
၃။ တရားစီရင်ရေးစနစ် ပြုပြင်ပြောင်းလဲခြင်း
၄။ ကာကွယ်ရေး၊ လုံခြုံရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့များ ပြုပြင်ပြောင်းလဲခြင်း (SSR/DDR)
၅။ ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့နှင့် အကျဥ်းထောင်စနစ် ပြုပြင်ပြောင်းလဲခြင်း
၆။ ရွေးကောက်ပွဲဆိုင်ရာ ဥပဒေကို ပြုပြင်ပြောင်းလဲခြင်း
၇။ မတရားသည့် ဥပဒေများ ဖျက်သိမ်း၍ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးအတွက် အာမခံသည့် ဥပဒေ များ ပြဌာန်း ခြင်း
Asia: The International and Regional Community Must Act on Myanmar’s Four-Year Crisis under Junta Rule
/in News1 February 2025 – Four years since the military’s failed coup in February 2021, the people of Myanmar’s resistance against the junta’s brutal rule has not only persisted but intensified. The Transitional Justice Asia Network (TJAN), a regional hub of transitional justice experts which includes the Network for Human Rights Documentation – Burma (ND-Burma) as one of the founding members, unequivocally condemns the junta’s continued and escalating violence. We reaffirm our unwavering solidarity with the people’s resistance as they bravely fight for freedom and democracy.
As documented in joint report by ND-Burma and the National Unity Government (NUG) of the government-in-waiting, the past four years have been a display of horrors: arbitrary arrests, indiscriminate airstrikes, systematic burning of homes and villages, and the use of heavy weaponry against civilian populations. “The situation in Myanmar is rapidly deteriorating and beyond critical,” states Han Gyi, Coordinator of ND-Burma. “The people urgently need support to protect their rights and ensure their safety. It is essential to recognise and commend the resilience of individuals from all walks of life who have united in their collective struggle to dismantle the dictatorship.”
Various diplomatic approaches have failed to stop the atrocities as the military junta continues to demonstrate a complete disregard for international norms and agreements. The ASEAN 5-Point Consensus, agreed upon in April 2021, has proven ineffective due to the junta’s blatant disregard, leaving the Myanmar crisis without a people-led and people-centered solution. The 2022 executions of pro-democracy activists, the ongoing forced conscriptions, and the relentless persecution of the Rohingya – including their forced recruitment into the junta’s army – all underscore their contempt for human rights and the rule of law. A recent report by Asia Justice and Rights and partners CSOs in Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand details the appalling conditions faced by the Rohingya refugees in the region, highlighting their vulnerability to exploitation, discrimination, and the constant threat or violence.
This year marking a critical juncture, where accountability for the junta’s atrocity crimes is of utmost important. The ICC Prosecutor’s application for an arrest warrant for junta leader Min Aung Hlaing for crimes against humanity against the Rohingya—committed in Myanmar and, in part, in Bangladesh—is a welcome step, but it must be followed by concrete action. The international community must pursue all avenues for justice, including strengthening support for the ICC investigation, exploring universal jurisdiction initiatives in national court, and imposing targeted sanctions against those responsible for atrocities.
With Malaysia assuming the ASEAN Chair in 2025, there is a timely opportunity for regional leadership in mitigating the crisis. We urge Malaysia to take decisive action immediately by cutting diplomatic ties with the junta, implementing robust targeted sanctions, and actively engaging with the National Unity Government (NUG) as the legitimate representation of the Myanmar people. Malaysia must leverage its chairmanship to ensure full ASEAN cooperation with the ICC and to explore all available international and regional mechanisms to hold the junta accountable. Hence, ASEAN must take decisive action to elevate its dialogue and forge a stronger, more strategic partnership with civil society across the region.
“The people of Myanmar are demonstrating incredible courage and resilience in the face of unimaginable violations,” emphasises Galuh Wandita, Executive Director of AJAR. “As human rights defenders across Asia, we must amplify their voices and redouble our efforts to advocating for genuine accountability and dismantle the systemic violence endured by its ethnic minorities. The international community must move beyond statements of concern and take concrete action to protect the people of Myanmar and support their aspirations for a just and democratic future.”
Transitional Justice Asia Network (TJAN)
Asia Justice and Rights — KontraS Aceh (Indonesia) — Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma (Myanmar) — Suriya Women’s Development Centre (Sri Lanka) — Alternative Law Groups (Philippines) — Cross-Cultural Foundation (Thailand) — May 18 Memorial Foundation (South Korea) — Advocacy Forum-Nepal (Nepal) — Asosiasaun Chega! Ba Ita (Timor-Leste)
Ajar
Four years after coup, Myanmar regime prepares for ‘violent, messy’ polls
/in NewsPressure is building on Myanmar’s military regime to hold national elections that opposition forces have promised to disrupt.
Myanmar’s 2024 census was almost certainly the most contentious – and deadly – ever conducted.
Enumerators and their heavily armed guards from Myanmar’s military were subject to repeated attacks from opposition groups, as they stumbled through a failed attempt to document the country’s population between October and December last year.
One incident in early October saw seven soldiers providing security for census takers in Mandalay Region killed with an explosive device. Days later, three more soldiers were killed when opposition forces hit their vehicle with a shoulder-launched rocket in Kayin State in the country’s east.
“The census was an utter, abject failure,” Richard Horsey, Myanmar adviser to the International Crisis Group, told Al Jazeera.
“But the regime has declared it a marvellous success.”
What is generally a mundane administrative exercise in population counting in most parts of the world, that Myanmar’s census was met with such violent resistance speaks to its significance in the country’s democratic trajectory.
Publishing preliminary results in January, Myanmar’s Ministry of Immigration and Population said the census represents the military government’s “commitment to national reconciliation”.
But it also represents the final step before the military attempts to hold a national election later this year – the first since overthrowing Myanmar’s democratically elected government in a coup four years ago and igniting a civil war.
While the military has painted a potential vote as a return to democratic norms, for Myanmar’s opposition forces, elections are merely an attempt to legitimise the illegitimate regime that seized power in February 2021.
https://imasdk.googleapis.com/js/core/bridge3.683.1_en.html?gdpr=1#goog_1600327358Play Video
8:34
The “election will be a sham, it will just be for show”, said Zaw Kyaw, a spokesperson for the presidential office at the National Unity Government (NUG), an exiled administration that includes lawmakers ousted by the military.
“The military believes that [holding an election] will be an exit strategy, and they can get some legitimacy in the eyes of some countries by hosting a sham election,” he told Al Jazeera.
“But this election will not lead to stability. It will lead to more instability and more violence.”
‘Absolutely no credible data’
In November 2020, State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi led her National League for Democracy (NLD) party to a landslide victory in Myanmar’s general election, winning 82 percent of seats contested in the country’s national and regional parliaments.
Three months later, in the early hours of February 1, the military would overthrow Aung San Suu Kyi’s government, arresting her and other NLD figures. Justifying the coup, the military alleged massive NLD voter fraud in the polls and declared the results void, without providing any evidence of wrongdoing. The coup triggered nationwide pro-democracy protests, morphing into an armed rebellion that continues to engulf large swaths of the country today.
The military-installed government – led by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing as its prime minister, and more recently president – has ruled the country since 2021 under a state of emergency that it has renewed several times as it battles ethnic armed groups and newer pro-democracy fighters across the country.
On Friday, the military extended the state of emergency a further six months to July 31.
“There are still more tasks to be done to hold the general election successfully,” the military said, announcing the extension of emergency rule.
“Especially for a free and fair election, stability and peace is still needed,” it said.
Myanmar’s military said its goal for the 2024 census was to provide an “accurate” voter list for the next election.
Such a list would prevent the double-counting of ballots and the participation of ineligible voters, stamping out the widespread voter fraud it claims corrupted the vote in 2020.
“The junta produced absolutely no credible data,” said Khin Ohmar, founder of democracy and human rights group Progressive Voice.
“The junta’s sham census lacked coverage of major swaths of territory and large segments of the population, particularly in areas controlled by democratic resistance groups or revolutionary forces,” she told Al Jazeera.
By its own account, Myanmar’s Ministry of Immigration and Population said it only fully counted populations in 145 out of Myanmar’s 330 townships, which appears to indicate the military now controls less than half the country.
Despite the limited census data, the ministry said it was “profoundly grateful to the people of Myanmar for their enthusiastic participation”, describing the census as a “resounding success”.
Khin Ohmar said the reality is that members of the public who participated in the census were forced “into providing personal data”, often “at gunpoint”.
“It is clear that the junta will continue to use these violent tactics against civilians for its sham election,” she said.
“Any public participation is guaranteed to have been coerced by the military junta,” she added.
Myanmar’s military government did not respond to repeated requests for comment from Al Jazeera.
https://imasdk.googleapis.com/js/core/bridge3.683.1_en.html?gdpr=1#goog_1600327359Play Video
9:31
A crisis of an ‘unprecedented scale’
Just how high stakes elections are for Myanmar’s severely weakened military cannot be overstated.
While proclamations of its imminent demise have been frequent since the coup, the once unlikely goal of a regime-free Myanmar now looks more achievable than ever as the military has suffered serious setbacks since late 2023.
In October that year the Three Brotherhood Alliance – a coalition of ethnic armed groups: the Arakan Army, the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, and the Ta’ang National Liberation Army – carried out a devastating assault on military-controlled territory in northern Shan State.
Setbacks for the regime continued into 2024 with the military experiencing its worst territorial and personnel losses in its history. Some 91 towns and 167 military battalions fell to resistance forces in a crisis of an “unprecedented scale”, according to the United States Institute of Peace.
Plummeting morale has also seen a “historic surge in defections” from the army.
In the context of diminishing control and increasingly robust violent resistance, critics say holding a national election is a fanciful notion.
The regime’s Election Commission Chairman Ko Ko said in December the polls would be held in just under half of the country’s 330 townships nationwide. But even this figure appears unduly optimistic.
Myanmar’s pro-democracy resistance groups and anti-military government ethnic armed organisations increasingly see the military as there for the taking.
While the ousted NLD administration, in government between 2015 and 2021, attempted to strike a balance between civilian and military rule during the country’s short-lived democratic experiment, a return to the pre-coup status quo of military officials in government is no longer an option.
“Our main goal [in 2025] is to eliminate the military dictatorship,” the NUG’s Zaw Kyaw said.
“The military is weaker than it has ever been in Myanmar’s history,” he added.
https://imasdk.googleapis.com/js/core/bridge3.683.1_en.html?gdpr=1#goog_1600327360Play Video
1:54
Despite the inherent security risks, Horsey of the Crisis Group believes national polls look “increasingly likely” this year.
Time is also ticking for Min Aung Hlaing, Horsey says, as grumbling grows louder from within the military establishment.
“There is pressure from within the elite to hold these polls. They don’t want Min Aung Hlaing ensconced as dictator-for-life. Most don’t relish the prospect of him sticking around forever,” Horsey said.
“He’s consolidated all power in his own hands and they want a slice of the action,” he said.
The military’s most influential patron, China, “has also been pushing very hard”, Horsey added.
“[China] has no interest in electoral democracy, but they do not like [Min Aung Hlaing] and think elections will be a way of diluting his power. Perhaps even bringing more reasonable, predictable and amendable people to the fore,” he said.
One group not pushing for elections in Myanmar is the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).
The 10-member bloc, of which Myanmar is a member, has been bitterly divided on the issue. But ASEAN foreign ministers issued a joint statement in January telling the regime that holding an election amid an escalating civil war should not be a “priority”.
‘Violent, messy’ and ‘bizarre exercise’
Under Myanmar’s military-drafted 2008 constitution, authorities are mandated to hold elections within six months of the state of emergency being lifted – currently set for July 31 – with November the traditional month to do so.
But for the vast majority of Myanmar’s embattled population, what month the military will hold the sham polls is irrelevant.
Holding “elections are an absolute anathema to most people” in Myanmar, the Crisis Group’s Horsey said.
“It is seen as – and is – an attempt [by the military] to wipe away the NLD and Aung San Suu Kyi’s landslide victory five years ago,” he said.
“That is something that people just will not accept and they will resist.”
Such resistance was already evident in the attacks disrupting the census, and Horsey believes the elections will similarly be a “violent, messy, incomplete process”.
“Who in their right mind would campaign, open party offices, and participate in the election? There’s going to be ambushes, attacks, assassinations – it’s going to be very very dangerous,” he said.
“It’s going to be a bizarre exercise, something that no one else, I think, would recognise as an election.”
While Horsey said there was a “consensus” among most resistance groups that civilians involved in the census should not be attacked, he believes the stakes are higher for the elections and polling stations will “absolutely be seen as a legitimate target”.
The NUG’s Zaw Kyaw said while there will “definitely” be attacks on military targets by the People’s Defence Force (PDF), there will be “no attacks on civilians” participating in the vote.
But even if violence targeting civilians is limited, punitive action of various forms will almost certainly be taken against those deemed to be collaborating with the military regime.
https://imasdk.googleapis.com/js/core/bridge3.683.1_en.html?gdpr=1#goog_1600327361Play Video
25:20
During the census, nine enumerators, mostly female teachers, were arrested and held for more than a month by PDF fighters in Myanmar’s southern Tanintharyi Region.
Bo Sea, a Tanintharyi PDF spokesman, told Al Jazeera that while the group recognises some civilians are forced into participating in election preparations, those deemed willing collaborators will face “even more severe” punishment than census participants.
“We consider these people as collaborating with the junta’s election process as accomplices,” he said. “There will be civilian teachers and election officials involved. Their participation means they are aligning themselves with the junta,” he added.
2:18
Bo Sea is not alone.
Ko Aung Kyaw Hein, a spokesman for the PDF in Sagaing Region in Myanmar’s northwest, said those who “support the terrorist military council [in carrying out the elections] will be prosecuted under counterterrorism laws”.
Bo Than Mani, chief of the Yinmarbin PDF, also in Sagaing Region, told Al Jazeera his unit will “disrupt” the election, but denied it would conduct violent attacks against those participating.
What is clear, at least to those in Myanmar’s resistance, is that regardless of how the national elections play out, it represents a desperate act by a desperate, sinking military regime.
“Their morale is at the lowest,” Zaw Kyaw said.
“I cannot predict when the collapse will happen. It could happen tomorrow. It could happen in months. It could happen in a year,” he said.
“But definitely the military will fall. No one can stop the military from falling down.”
Additional reporting by Hein Thar.
SOURCE: AL JAZEERA
The Network for Human Rights Documentation – Burma Releases New Briefing Paper
/in Press Releases and StatementsThe Network for Human Rights Documentation – Burma Releases New Briefing Paper,
Defending Democracy: Four Years Since the Failed Coup in Burma
1 February 2025
Four years ago, the military junta attempted to undermine the results of a free and fair national election in Burma, in which the National League for Democracy achieved an overwhelming victory. On 1 February 2021, the Burma Army, led by war criminal Min Aung Hlaing, swiftly imprisoned activists, politicians, and critics of the regime while falsely declaring themselves the legitimate authority of the country, alleging election fraud without evidence. Within hours, Burma’s political discourse would be remembered as a dark and deliberate attack on democratic principles, rights and freedoms.
Today, the Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma (ND-Burma) publishes “Defending Democracy: Four Years Since the Failed Coup in Burma,” which examines the key movements and significant events that have influenced the People’s Revolution. Despite the tremendous risks faced by human rights defenders in Burma and border regions, their steadfast dedication to achieving a federal Burma has prevented the junta’s coup from succeeding.
The military’s violence has increasingly undermined the rights and freedoms of the people of Burma, among them millions of innocent women and children who continue to suffer. The first year of the failed coup saw deaths in broad daylight across urban and rural areas. By the second year, the junta brutally ordered the executions of four prominent, imprisoned activists: Ko Jimmy (Kyaw Min Yu), Phyo Zeya Thaw, Hla Myo Aung, and Aung Thura Zaw. In 2023, the intensifying armed conflict impacted 80% of the country’s townships (225 out of 330).
Last year, in September 2024, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights declared that at least 5,350 civilians have been killed and more than 3.3 million displaced in Burma since the coup. Local organizations have reported higher numbers in their respective areas.
Women and children are disproportionately impacted by violence in Burma. The escalation of attacks includes the use of drones by the military junta, which are becoming a new tool of terror in the war against innocent people. ND-Burma member organizations have consistently and courageously continued to document human rights violations to ensure evidence is preserved to hold the junta accountable for its widespread and systematic crimes.
As Burma’s citizens enter the fifth year since the blatant attack on their rights and freedoms, the strength of the People’s Revolution remains undiminished and shows no signs of stopping. The international community must demonstrate its commitment to democratic values by ending all ties that risk legitimizing the military junta. They must also heed the calls made by civil society organizations and the National Unity Government to ensure that Burma’s future is one where all people can live freely and safely.
For more information:
Signal: +66 86 1679 741
Signal: +66 64 195 6721
The Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma (ND-Burma) consists of 13 organisations representing a range of ethnic nationalities, women, and former political prisoners. Since 2004, ND-Burma member organisations have been documenting human rights abuses and fighting for justice for victims. The network has nine full members and four affiliate members.