ND Burma
ND-Burma formed in 2004 in order to provide a way for Burma human rights organizations to collaborate on the human rights documentation process. The 13 ND-Burma member organizations seek to collectively use the truth of what communities in Burma have endured to advocate for justice for victims. ND-Burma trains local organizations in human rights documentation; coordinates members’ input into a common database using Martus, a secure open-source software; and engages in joint-advocacy campaigns.
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US declares Myanmar’s 2017 atrocities against Rohingya a ‘genocide’
/in NewsThe move will bring greater scrutiny on the Myanmar military, says a Rohingya activist.
UPDATED at 4:30 P.M. EDT on 2022-03-21
The United States has declared as a genocide the Myanmar military’s 2017 deadly crackdown against the Rohingya Muslim minority that killed thousands and forced an exodus to neighboring Bangladesh, Secretary of State Antony Blinken announced Monday.
Human rights activists welcomed the move as overdue and essential for stepping up pressure on the military, and making it accountable for crimes against humanity. According to American investigators, the military was responsible for atrocities including mass killings, gang rapes, mutilations, crucifixions, and the burning and drowning of children.
>> Myanmar army joins brutal list of US-recognized genocides
Blinken said that as of Monday, the United States had concluded that other than the Holocaust, genocide had occurred eight times – the eighth time against the Rohingya.
“I have determined that the members of the Burmese military committed genocide and crimes against humanity against Rohingya,” Blinken said in remarks at the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington on Monday.
“The attack against Rohingya was widespread and systematic, which is crucial for reaching a determination of crimes against humanity.”
Blinken said that among the sources for the determination was a joint report published in November 2017 by the museum’s Simon Skjodt Center for the Prevention of Genocide and the human rights group Fortify Rights. The report was based on a survey of more than a thousand Rohingya refugees living in Bangladesh, all of whom were displaced by the violence in 2016 or 2017.
“Three quarters of those interviewed said that they personally witnessed members of the military kill someone. More than half witnessed acts of sexual violence. One in five witnessed a mass casualty event, that is, the killing or injuring of more than 100 people in a single incident,” Blinken said.
“These percentages matter. They demonstrate that these abuses were not isolated cases. … This demonstrates the military’s intent went beyond ethnic cleansing to the actual destruction of Rohingya.”
Following Blinken’s announcement, New York-based Human Rights Watch said that the U.S. needed to coordinate its “long overdue action” with other countries to pursue justice for the mass crimes committed against the Rohingya.
“The U.S. government should couple its condemnations of Myanmar’s military with action,” John Sifton, Asia advocacy director at Human Rights Watch, said in a statement. “For too long, the U.S. and other countries have allowed Myanmar’s generals to commit atrocities with few real consequences.”
The rights watchdog said that to deter future abuses, Washington should impose tougher sanctions on the foreign currency revenues the Myanmar military makes from oil and gas revenues, and increase the enforcement of existing sanctions.
“The military utilizes the bulk of these revenues to support its expenditures, which include extensive purchases of arms and attack aircraft from Russia, China, and other countries,” the group said in its statement.
Similarly, the U.K.-based Burma Human Rights Network said Washington’s recognition of the Rohingya genocide was overdue but greatly welcomed.
“By formally declaring a genocide took place against the Rohingya, the U.S. is firmly acknowledging the scope and horror of the junta’s violence,” the group’s Executive Director Kyaw Win said in a statement Monday.
“This declaration must be followed by further action. The junta must be completely cut off from the world, deprived of cash flow and weapons, and resisted until they fall from power.”
Years-long patterns
In 2018, U.N. investigators found that Myanmar’s military carried out mass killings and gang rapes of Muslim Rohingya with “genocidal intent.” The rights group Doctors Without Borders has estimated that at least 6,700 Rohingya died in the 2017 crackdown.
But to date, the U.S. government had described it as “ethnic cleansing” – not using the “genocide” designation, which carries more legal weight.
Under Article 2 of the 1948 United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, genocide is defined as “acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial or religious group.”
The atrocities were committed during the tenure of the civilian government of Aung San Suu Kyi who in December 2019 defended the military against allegations of genocide at the International Court of Justice in The Hague. The Nobel Peace Prize winner and one-time democracy icon now languishes in prison – toppled by the same military in its Feb. 1, 2021 coup.
Myanmar, a country of 54 million people about the size of France, recognizes 135 official ethnic groups, with majority Burmans accounting for about 68 percent of the population. The Rohingya ethnicity is not recognized.
The Rohingya have faced decades of discrimination in Myanmar and are effectively stateless. They have been denied citizenship. Burmese administrations have refused to call them “Rohingya” and instead use the term “Bengali.”
The 2017 crackdown was triggered by a Rohingya insurgent group’s attack on police outposts in Myanmar’s Rakhine state, leading to a disproportionate military response that caused about 740,000 Rohingya civilians to flee to neighboring Bangladesh – what the military and Aung San Suu Kyi, then the civilian ruler of Myanmar, called a “clearance operation.”
But a State Department-commissioned investigation found that the Rohingya were in a highly precarious situation in the months and years leading up to the attacks on the police stations, and their situation was fast deteriorating, according to Daniel Fullerton of Public International Law & Policy Group, who managed the probe.
“The collected data revealed years-long patterns of gradually worsening violence and widespread human rights violations targeted against the Rohingya, which began to dramatically increase in severity and frequency in the year leading up to the major attacks of 2017,” Fullerton said in testimony at a U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom hearing last May.
The military’s retributory attacks for the Rohingya insurgents’ August 2017 assault on police posts was swift – and brutal.
“These attacks included brutal large-scale ground assaults, indiscriminate shootings, mass killings, executions, crucifixions, rapes and gang rapes, beatings, mutilations, the burning and drowning of children, the widespread destruction of Rohingya homes and villages, among many other brutal acts,” investigator Fullerton said.
“There were credible reports of Rohingya community leaders being gathered into buildings and burned alive, of imams being beaten and having their beards burned off, and of Rohingya religious or community leaders being shot or stabbed in front of the members of their village. Symbolic burnings of mosques, madrassas, and Korans were widely documented,” he said.
Blinken spoke of the planning that went into pre-attack preparations – such as military personnel “blocking exits to villages before they began their attacks, [and] sinking boats full of men, women and children as they tried to flee to Bangladesh.”
He said that the “immeasurable pain wrought by every heinous abuse” ripples outward from the individual victims to the survivors and to the wider community.
Therefore, he said, the U.S continues to provide significant support to help meet the humanitarian needs of Rohingya and all affected by their persecution. He said Washington had provided nearly $ 1.6 billion since 2017 for Rohingya refugees’ shelter and education, specialized mental health and for the psychosocial support for the victims of trauma.
‘Generosity of Bangladesh’
Blinken said he wanted to “recognize the exceptional generosity of Bangladesh” in hosting over 900,000 Rohingya refugees, and the South Asian country’s recent efforts to vaccinate this stateless community against COVID-19.
In Dhaka, Bangladesh’s Home Minister Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal on Monday welcomed the Biden administration’s decision to declare the military’s 2017 oppression of the Rohingya a genocide.
“The U.S. announcement would help restore the civil rights of the Rohingya in Myanmar and speed up their repatriation,” he told BenarNews.
“The international community and all people should know about the genocide and other inhuman atrocities committed against the Rohingya in Myanmar.”
In no-man’s land on the Bangladesh-Myanmar border, Dil Mohammad, a Rohingya leader, said Washington’s declaration was a positive development.
“The massacre of the Rohingya in Myanmar is a classic example of genocide. The international community believes it but they did not officially recognize it,” the Rohingya leader in Bandarban district told BenarNews.
“If the international community speaks in one voice against the brutality of the military, the decades-old genocide and atrocities targeting the Rohingya would cease and our return to our homeland be ensured.”
The designation of the Rohingya expulsion campaign as genocide follows the January 2021 decision by Blinken’s predecessor, Mike Pompeo, who determined that China’s mass incarceration and coercive birth control policies toward the Uyghur minority in China’s northwestern Xinjiang region constituted genocide.
The State Department has since the Cold War recognized genocides in Bosnia (1993), Rwanda (1994), Iraq (1995), Darfur (2004), and areas under the control of ISIS (2016 and 2017), according to Holocaust Museum data.
RFA News
Military council files terrorism charges against student activists to ‘instil fear’
/in NewsThe targeted individuals were helping families of detained students send them care packages in prison, says the chair of Myanmar’s student union coalition
The All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU) confirmed that three of their Mandalay-based members were charged last Friday by the junta with violating Myanmar’s counterterrorism law.
The individuals, who were arrested on March 2 in Amarapura Township, include Aung Myo Ko, chair of the student union at the Mandalay Education College; Thiri Yadanar, upper Myanmar secretary of the ABFSU; and Kyaw Zin Latt, a middle school teacher from Singu Township.
ABFSU chair Aung Pyae Sone Phyo said that the activists had been helping families of detained students send care packages to their loved ones in prison.
“They were actually a part of the democratic movement before but they stopped doing that. They just focused on sending care packages to the detained students and helping the detained students contact their families in distant places,” he told Myanmar Now.
The three detainees—all in their 20s—have been held at the township police station since their arrest, and were formally accused on March 18 of violating Section 50j of the counterterrorism law for funding “terrorist” organisations. The charge carries a maximum sentence of life in prison, Aung Pyae Sone Phyo told Myanmar Now.
A second charge was also added to their cases for being alleged accessories to terrorist acts, as is outlined under Section 52a of the law, and carries a seven-year sentence.
The three student activists are also reportedly being investigated for incitement charges under Section 505a of the Penal Code, but Aung Pyae Sone Phyo noted that the final charge had not yet been formally filed.
“[The military] started by arresting protesters on the streets and now they’re arresting people who are helping the detained civilians. They clearly want to instill fear into the people so that they don’t dare to revolt,” the ABFSU chair said.
The military council has not released any information on the charges allegedly brought against the student activists.
Protests have continued in Mandalay more than one year after the military coup in February 2021. The junta continues to make frequent arrests of dissidents in the region, questioning civilians in public, and sealing off houses belonging to anti-dictatorship figures.
“They are going to decimate each and every one of their opponents. That is why we have been revolting against the junta from the time of Ne Win until Min Aung Hlaing,” Aung Pyae Sone Phyo said, referring to the military leader who seized power in a 1962 coup and the current army chief.
“It’s also essential that we, the people, hold our heads high and keep fighting back,” he added.
Myanmar Now News
Myanmar junta sentences two journalists to two-year prison terms
/in NewsJournalists from Kamayut Media and Mizzima are convicted of incitement one year after their arrests in a continued nationwide crackdown on news organisations
Junta courts in Naypyitaw and inside Yangon’s Insein Prison sentenced two journalists to two years in prison this week, one year after their arrests and charges of violating Section 505a of the Penal Code for incitement.
Kamayut Media co-founder Hanthar Nyein was convicted on Monday in a military-run “special court” in Insein, and former Mizzima correspondent Than Htike Aung was handed the same verdict by the Dekkhina District Court in Naypyitaw on Tuesday.
Both men pleaded not guilty, and were told that their time already served in prison would be deducted from their sentences.
“They said Kamayut Media had incited riots and rallied people to protest,” Hanthar Nyein’s lawyer said. “However, Hanthar Nyein appealed to them that he had just reported the news in accordance with journalistic ethics.”
He added that his client did not offer comment on the verdict as he had anticipated that he would be sentenced to prison time, but noted that he was in good health.
Hanthar Nyein was arrested along with Kamayut’s other co-founder and editor-in-chief Nathan Maung during a military raid on their office in Yangon on March 9, 2021.
After being detained in Insein for more than three months, Nathan Maung, an American citizen, was released and deported in June. He told several news outlets that both he and Hanthar Nyein were brutally tortured by the junta’s forces during prison interrogations.
Than Htike Aung was arrested outside the Dekkhina court on March 19, 2021 by plainclothes officers while reporting on a hearing for National League for Democracy party patron Win Htein. BBC correspondent Aung Thura was also arrested, but was released days later.
The military council has been threatening media organisations and raiding their offices since staging a coup in February last year. In addition to Kamayut, those targeted in Yangon were Mizzima, Myanmar Now and DVB, as well as the Hakha Post in Chin State, the Monywa Gazette in Sagaing, and the Shwe Phee Myay news agency in Lashio, Shan State.
Although staff members largely managed to evade capture during these raids, the military confiscated office property and frequently destroyed or damaged the premises.
More than 130 journalists have been arrested since the coup and more than 50 were still imprisoned at the time of reporting, according to figures compiled by the Detained Journalists Group, which has been monitoring and collecting data on the issue.
Nway Nway Eain contributed to this report.
Myanmar Now News
Weekly Update March 14-20 (2022)
/in HR SituationAfter the release of the report by UN HRC last week, it is abundantly clear that there is more than enough evidence to hold the military junta accountable for their crimes. There is no more time to wait. It is time for action & consequences. More in weekly update
Download in English: http://ow.ly/KQVt50InRJS
Hardline monks tied to pro-junta militias in Myanmar’s Sagaing region
/in NewsResidents say the monks are helping to form the groups and even receiving weapons training.
Ultranationalist Buddhist clergymen, including outspoken monk Wirathu, are throwing their support behind the pro-junta Pyu Saw Htee militia in its fight against prodemocracy paramilitaries in Myanmar’s Sagaing region, including by undergoing weapons training clad in saffron robes, residents said Monday.
Members of the prodemocracy People’s Defense Force (PDF) paramilitary group have demonstrated some of the fiercest resistance to junta troops and their militia-backed offensive in Sagaing since the military seized power in a Feb. 1, 2021, coup. The military is better equipped and has embarked on a scorched earth campaign in the region with the help of the Pyu Saw Htee, but residents say that a new tool has been added to its arsenal: hardline monks from the Ma Ba Tha group.
A video recently went viral on social media in Myanmar purportedly showing members of the Ma Ba Tha on a “tour” of several pro-junta villages in Sagaing in support of forming Pyu Saw Htee units. The video appears to show the monks helping to train people and delivering Buddhist sermons.
In one clip, Ma Ba Tha leaders known as “sayadaws” — including Wah Thawa, Wira Raza, and Pandita — appear to be holding guns in their hands and telling residents that the PDFs are killing people and setting fire to villages. One monk is heard to say, “Wirathu himself visited the villages yesterday and raised the morale of residents.”
Sources told RFA’s Myanmar Service that the footage was filmed on Feb. 27 at the Yadanar Kan Myint Htei Monastery during a Pyu Saw Htee training camp graduation ceremony in Taze township’s Kabe village. They confirmed that pro-junta monks have been “carrying guns” and “taking part in some of the fighting” in the region.
An eyewitness from Taze’s Kyunle village told RFA that the Pyu Saw Htee groups were “led by Ma Ba Tha monks” and that “Wirathu is involved.”
“There are Pyu Saw Htee and Ma Ba Tha monks,” he said, speaking on condition of anonymity.
“These monks are not local monks. All the local monks are gone. They have fled to safety. Some villagers said they saw Wirathu. [Such actions are] totally against the rules observed by the [Buddhist clergy] and we condemn it.”
According to the eyewitness, nearly half of the 350 houses in Kyunle are pro-military and mostly Pyu Saw Htee. Residents who do not support the Pyu Saw Htee have “fled their homes,” he added.
Another resident of the area who declined to be named said the armed monks had summoned Taze’s inhabitants to the Yadanar Kan Myint Htei Monastery and Kyunle’s Lay Thar Monastery and told them not to accept the PDF.
“Since the local monks fled the Yadanar Kan Myint Htei Monastery, they took over the place and tried to turn the villagers against the PDFs,” he said, adding that “all the monks” at the Lay Thar Monastery are junta supporters.
Pro-military ‘from the beginning’
Tayza Nanda, an abbot of the pro-democracy Spring Revolutionary Monk Network in Taze, told RFA that the Ma Ba Tha sayadaws are working in the region with the support of the military.
“These monks have been backed by the military from the beginning,” he said. “What they are saying and doing now is all in line with Wirathu’s preaching and now they are taking up arms. They are [junta chief Sen. Gen.] Min Aung Hlaing’s followers who support evil.
“Real monks can’t even preach to those who carry weapons, let alone carry arms themselves,” Tayza Nanda added.
RFA could not independently confirm allegations that Wirathu is involved with the Pyu Saw Htee. Attempts to contact Wirathu went unanswered Monday.
Junta Deputy Information Minister Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun confirmed to RFA that militia groups had been formed “to protect these villages from PDF attacks.”
“Since the PDFs are threatening villages that do not support them, we have formed militia groups there to provide security for these villages,” he said. “We have not provided monks with weapons. There is no reason to do that.”
Zaw Min Tun noted that he had never “said a word before about the PDF-supporting monks who reside there and are carrying arms,” without providing details about his claims.
A member of the Taze PDF told RFA that on March 6 his group attacked a Pyu Saw Htee unit led by sayadaw Wah Thawa in Kabe village, and that the unit “fled with many wounded.”
“Wah Thawa is no longer in the area. He has fled to Kanbalu. Wah Thawa, who was seen in the footage with a pistol and bullet-proof vest, was the leader,” he said. “Monks hold even more authority in rural areas than village administrators, so [the junta] tried to use the monks to do their organizing of Pyu Saw Htee units.”
The Taze PDF member said the Pyu Saw Htee and the Ma Ba Tha group attacked small villages in the area, including Kyunle and Kabe, and had “forced the locals to join them.”
Using religion for political gain
Rajadhamma, an abbot with the Buddhist Mandalay Sangha Union, said Wirathu had cultivated close ties in the past with the monk leaders of the Pyu Saw Htee group in Sagaing — Wah Thawa, Wira Raza and Pandita.
“All three of them used to live close to Wirathu in the past. We can even say that they are the actual leaders of this group,” he said. “Now they are taking weapons training for killing others. Holding guns and learning how to shoot is completely inappropriate for our religion.”
Ultranationalist Buddhist monk Wirathu was charged by the deposed National League for Democracy government with sedition in May 2019, but the charges were dropped by the junta in September 2021 and he was set free. He is currently touring towns in Mandalay and Bago regions, and witnesses say the military has provided him security.
Political analyst Than Soe Naing told RFA that reports of the Ma Ba Tha’s involvement with the Pyu Saw Htee suggest the militia is using religion for political gain in Myanmar, a Buddhist-majority country.
“The majority of people in our country are Buddhists and they all love and respect the monks, so [the military is trying] to use the monks for their benefit,” he said. “We have never heard about an entire group of monks taking up arms training.”
Myanmar’s military has killed at least 1,672 civilians since the coup and arrested nearly 9,625 others — mostly during peaceful anti-junta protests.
According to a report issued last week by Data for Myanmar, a research group that documents the impact of conflict on communities, pro-junta forces have burned more than 6,700 houses to the ground in 186 locations in nine regions and states since the military coup. Last month, the group said most of the junta-sponsored arson had occurred in Sagaing region.
Last month, a post went viral on social media that allegedly showed a leaked document from the junta’s Northwest Military Command ordering the delivery of more than 2,000 weapons to 77 pro-junta militia groups and calling for the formation of more militia units in remote villages in Sagaing. RFA was unable to independently confirm the authenticity of the document.
Reported by RFA’s Myanmar Service. Translated by Khin Maung Nyane. Written in English by Joshua Lipes.
RFA News
Junta forces seize control of strategic road after intense assault on resistance stronghold
/in NewsThe KNDF withdrew from Daw Ngan Kar under a barrage of missiles, airstrikes and artillery fire, but have vowed to retake the neighbourhood
The junta’s forces have taken control of a key neighbourhood along a strategically important road in Karenni State that leads to Naypyitaw, forcing resistance fighters to retreat under a barrage of missiles, airstrikes and artillery fire.
The Karenni Nationalities Defence Force (KDNF) withdrew from Daw Ngan Khar, which is just minutes from the centre of the town of Demoso, after coming under attack on Saturday.
A road linking Demoso to Moebye, a town just north of the border with Shan State, runs through Daw Ngan Khar and then connects to a route that leads to Myanmar’s capital.
Some 200 soldiers were involved in the assault, according to a spokesperson for the KNDF’s Battalion 1.
“They fired missiles. There was no way we could defend against a series of missiles. They also fired 60mm, 80mm, 120mm and 122mm artillery shells relentlessly,” he told Myanmar Now. “We didn’t want to give up control over the area but we had to as we didn’t want to lose any more lives.”
Karenni-Naypyitaw.png
The KNDF still had control of other parts of Demoso Township and would retake Daw Ngan Khar, he said: “We want Daw Ngan Khar back and we will take it back. Please give us your support.”
He added: “It wouldn’t solve every problem but it would be a lot better for the IDPs and for the resistance forces if we could regain control over the area between Daw Ngan Khar and Moebye. At least the IDPs would have somewhere to flee to. They no longer have anywhere to run now.”
During the assault on Daw Ngan Khar, junta soldiers from Infantry Battalions 102, 261, and 427 fired heavy artillery. In recent days and nights scouting helicopters have been hovering over Demoso Township and the junta’s air force has dropped bombs on camps where displaced people have been sheltering, the KNDF spokesperson said.
He had also heard reports that junta forces bombed villages along the Demoso-Moebye road, killed civilians and burned down houses, though he was unable to gather further details because of the communications blackout.
Fighting escalated in the area a month ago after junta soldiers entered and occupiedMoebye. Since then over 100 junta personnel and 40 resistance fighters have been killed, according to statements by the KNDF.
Nineteen civilians have also been killed, including four who died when junta aircraft dropped bombs on camps for people who had fled their homes, according to the statements.
Since fighting erupted in the wake of last year’s military coup, more than 170,000 people have fled their homes in Karenni region, which covers Karenni State and Pekhon Township in southern Shan State.
Many have had to flee several times amid repeated attacks on displacement camps by the junta’s forces, several volunteer aid workers have said.
In early January, anti-junta forces said they had taken control of Loikaw Township, where Karenni’s capital is based. The junta responded by launching numerous assaults aimed at reclaiming the territory, while cutting off phone and internet access to the area.
Resistance forces in Karenni, like those elsewhere in the country, say they do not have enough weapons and ammunition, and have called on the National Unity Government (NUG) to supply them.
Saturday’s defeat in Daw Ngan Khar happened because the resistance was outgunned by the junta, said a KNDF fighter who was involved in the clash.
The group’s fighters had to take turns using weapons during the clash because they didn’t have enough for everyone to be armed at the same time, he said.
“We didn’t think they’d use that much force. It was just too cruel,” he added. “We eventually had to retreat solely because we didn’t have as many weapons as them. But we are going to continue fighting because we just can’t stand injustice.”
Since declaring a war of resistance against the junta in September, the NUG has repeatedly said it is working to establish a chain of command to unify the numerous anti-junta armed groups across Myanmar.
But it remains unclear to what extent the underground administration is arming and training resistance forces.
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Naing Htoo Aung, the secretary of the NUG’s defence ministry, told Myanmar Now that supporting the nationwide armed resistance was a “priority”.
“We are trying to provide more funds and weapons,” he said last week. “This is a priority as well as a challenge for the defence department of the NUG.”
The KNDF says it is working under the command of the Karenni Army (KA), a rebel group that has operated in the region for decades, rather than under the NUG.
The KNDF has 18 battalions and is formed of groups of locals who took up arms last year to resist the new junta.
Other resistance groups in the region–including those from Moebye, Pekhon, Demoso, Loikaw and Hpruso townships–say they have formed official ties with the NUG.
There are various other self-organising guerrilla groups active in the region, but it is unclear if they are still operating independently or under the command of a larger group.
Karenni_idps_001.Jpeg
Aung San Myint, the deputy secretary of the Karenni National Progressive Party, the political wing of the KA, said every resistance group must come under a single chain of command in order to defeat the junta.
“We need to have a step-by-step military plan,” he said. “The plan is very chaotic right now because the resistance groups are not under a single chain of command. That is the reason why we’ve lost so many people.”
Karenni State, also known as Kayah, has a population of around 300,000 people. Well over half that number have been displaced by fighting since the coup, according to local civil society groups.
Junta officials could not be reached for comment on the latest clashes.
Myanmar Now News