Joint-Statement Civil Society Organizations Calls for Immediate Protection of Civilians in Armed Conflict in Myanmar

15 April 2020
We, the undersigned civil society organizations and individual call for the protection of civilians in armed conflict in Myanmar and for the State to comply with its obligations under the Geneva Conventions and UN Security Council Resolutions 1265, 1296 and 1325. The current targeting of innocent civilians in the conflict between the Arakan Army (AA) and the Myanmar military amounts to war crimes and must immediately cease.
The conflict between the Myanmar military and the AA has displaced up to 150,000 people in Rakhine and Chin States since 2018 and its impacts are being felt most keenly by innocent civilians. In the past 30 days alone, 28 villagers in Chin State, have sadly died as a result of the conflict. The Myanmar military has been deliberately targeting civilians through the use of airstrikes from fighter jets. On 7 April 2020, airstrikes on the village of Hnang Chaung Village, Paletwa Township, in Chin State by two Myanmar military fighter jets killed seven people, injuring eight more and burning several houses to the ground. Among the victims were two children, a mother and a baby. This was the second airstrike within one week, as more civilians were injured during an attack on Bawngwa Village on 31 March. Last month, on 14 and 15 of March, multiple attacks on several villages in Paletwa Township killed 21 civilians, again including children.
These attacks have been conducted with total disregard for civilian life and would constitute indiscriminate attacks or even direct targeting of civilian population. Common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions specifically prohibits “violence to life and person, in particular murder of all kinds” of civilians and persons hors de combat. In addition, “wilful killing” of protected persons is listed as a grave breach under all four Geneva Conventions, which Myanmar ratified in 1992. Thus, targeting innocent civilians, such as the airstrikes on villages in Paletwa Township, can be considered a serious violation of international humanitarian law and customs, which constitutes as war crimes under the Rome Statue.
Furthermore, UN Security Resolutions 1265 and 1296 addresses the protection of civilians in armed conflict. Resolution 1265 “Strongly condemns the deliberate targeting of civilians in situations of armed conflict as well as attacks on objects protected under international law, and calls on all parties to put an end to such practices” while also emphasizing “the responsibility of States to end impunity and to prosecute those responsible for genocide, crimes against humanity and serious violations of international humanitarian law.”
Additionally, UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security, “Calls on all parties to armed conflict to take special measures to protect women and girls from gender-based violence, particularly rape and other forms of sexual abuse, and all other forms of violence in situations of armed conflict.” This is especially salient in the case of Myanmar, which has repeatedly used sexual violence in armed conflict for decades. Related to this the Joint Communique that the Myanmar government and the United Nations Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Sexual Violence in Conflict signed in December 2018 has not been brought to women from the conflict affected areas for consultation while the ongoing sexual and gender-based violence committed by the Myanmar military in ethnic areas flies in the face of any supposed commitment of the government in signing such Joint Communique with the UN’s SRSG’s office in the first place.
Finally, the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), which Myanmar has ratified, recognizes “that every child has an inherent right to life” and Myanmar must ensure to the “maximum extent possible the survival and development of the child.” As a state party to the Geneva Conventions and the CRC, and as a UN member state, Myanmar has an obligation to comply with these instruments of international law.
Meanwhile, the Association of Southeast Asian Nation’s (ASEAN) reluctance to become substantively involved is a missed opportunity for the block to play a key role in resolving the increasing escalation of violence. Rather than standing idly by and endorsing the narrative of the Myanmar government, ASEAN can seek to couple its humanitarian initiatives with engaging the government in addressing root causes of violence, while utilizing their good offices to seek a solution to the ongoing violence that is affecting countries beyond the borders of Myanmar.
As the whole world is taking measures to protect against the coronavirus pandemic, the targeting of innocent civilians in southern Chin State, through the use of airstrikes and other military operations, is causing tragic and unnecessary loss that amount to war crimes. It must end immediately. These war crimes are a blatant contravention to the Geneva Conventions and are destroying communities. We urge the immediate end to all attacks that target civilians and to protect the lives of innocent people.
For more information, please contact:
• Salai Lian, Chin Human Rights Organization, +95 945 068 7296, info@chinhumanrights.org
• Khin Ohmar, Progressive Voice, +1 571 992 8395, khinohmar@progressive-voice.org
• East Asia and ASEAN Programme, FORUM-ASIA, ea-asean@forum-asia.org
• Marc Batac, Initiatives for International Dialogue, +63 945 274 8214, marc@iidnet.org
ထပ်မံသိရှိလိုပါက ဆက်သွယ်ရန်
• Salai Lian, Chin Human Rights Organization, +95 945 068 7296, info@chinhumanrights.org
• Khin Ohmar, Progressive Voice, +1 571 992 8395, khinohmar@progressive-voice.org
• East Asia and ASEAN Programme, FORUM-ASIA, ea-asean@forum-asia.org
• Marc Batac, Initiatives for International Dialogue, +63 945 274 8214, marc@iidnet.org
ပါဝင်ထောက်ခံလက်မှတ်ထိုးသူများ –
1. Alliance for Conflict Transformation (ACT), Cambodia
2. ALTSEAN-Burma
3. Asian Resource Foundation (ARF), Thailand
4. ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR)
5. Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
6. ASEAN SOGIE Caucus
7. Association of Women for Awareness and Motivation (AWAM), Pakistan
8. AwazCDS-Pakistan
9. Banglar Manabadhikar Suraksha Mancha, (MASUM), India
10. Balay Alternative Legal Advocates for Development in Mindanaw (Balaod Mindanaw), the Philippines
11. Bodhigram, India
12. Burma Campaign UK (BCUK)
13. Bytes For All, Pakistan
14. Cambodian Civil Society Partnership (CCSP), Cambodia
15. Cambodian Human Rights and Development Association (ADHOC), Cambodia
16. Center for Human Rights and Development (CHRD), Mongolia
17. Centre for Communication and Development Studies (CCDS), India
18. Center for Conflict Resolution (CECORE), Uganda
19. Center for Peace Education-Miriam College, the Philippines
20. Civil and Human Rights Network (CSHRN), Afghanistan
21. Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW)
22. Civil Rights Defenders (CRD)
23. Coalition for Integrity and Social Accountability (CISA), Cambodia
24. Covenants Watch, Taiwan
25. Community Resource Centre Foundation (CRC), Thailand
26. Centre for the Sustainable Use of Natural and Social Resources (CSNR), India
27. Community Self Reliance Centre (CSRC), Nepal
28. Desaparecidos, the Philippines
29. Global Partnership for the Prevention of Armed Conflict (GPPAC)
30. Global Partnership for the Prevention of Armed Conflict (GPPAC)-Southeast
31. Global Partnership for the Prevention of Armed Conflict (GPPAC)-North America
32. Globe International Center (GIC), Mongolia
33. GZO Peace Institute, Philippines
34. HAK Association, Timor Leste
35. Hustisya, Philippines
36. IM Center for Peace and Dialogue, Indonesia
37. Info-Birmanie, France
38. INFORM Human Rights Documentation Centre, Colombo, Sri Lanka
39. Initiatives for International Dialogue (IID), Philippines
40. JANANEETHI, India
41. Justice, Peace and Integrity of Creation (JPIC), Roma, Italia
42. Karapatan Alliance Philippines
43. Kazakhstan International Bureau for Human Rights and the Rule of Law (KIBHR)
44. KontraS (Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence), Indonesia
45. Korean House for International Solidarity
46. Legal Aid Foundation Indonesia
47. Maldivian Democracy Network (MDN)
48. The Mekong Butterfly, Thailand
49. MONFEMNET National Network, Mongolia
50. Odhikar, Bangladesh
51. Oyu Tolgoi Watch, Mongolia
52. Pax Christi Pilipinas, the Philippines
53. People’s Watch, India
54. People’s Empowerment Foundation (PEF), Thailand
55. Philippine Alliance of Human Rights Advocates (PAHRA)
56. Public Association “Dignity”, Kazakhstan
57. Pusat KOMAS, Malaysia
58. People’s Vigilance Committee on Human Rights (PVCHR), India
59. Refugee and Migratory Movements Research Unit (RMMRU), University of Dhaka, Bangladesh
60. Research and Education for Peace, Universiti Sains Malaysia (REPUSM), Malaysia
61. Recourse, Netherlands
62. Right to Life Human Rights Centre, Sri Lanka
63. Rivers without Boundaries Mongolia
64. Samahan ng Ex-detainees Laban sa Detensyon at Aresto (Society of Ex-Detainees against Detention and Arrests in the Philippines)
65. South India Cell for Human Rights Education and Monitoring (SICHREM)
66. Southeast Asia Conflict Studies Network (SEACSN), Malaysia
67. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM), Malaysia
68. Swedish Burma Committee (SBC), Sweden
69. Tanggol Bayi (Defend Women), Philippines
70. Think Center, Singapore
71. Task Force Detainees of the Philippines (TFDP)
72. Vietnamese Women for Human Rights (VNWHR)
73. Witness Radio Organisation, Uganda
74. Youth for Peace (YFP), Cambodia
75. Action Committee for Democracy Development (ACDD), Burma/Myanmar
76. Athan – Freedom of Expression Activist Organization, Burma/Myanmar
77. Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), Burma/Myanmar
78. Association of Human Rights Defenders and Promoters (HRDP), Burma/Myanmar
79. Australia Chin Federation (ACF)
80. Burmese Women’s Union (BWU), Burma/Myanmar
81. Center of Development and Ethnic Studies (CDES), Burma/Myanmar
82. Chin American Association (CAA)
83. Chin Christian Council in Australia (CCCA)
84. Chin Human Rights Organization (CHRO), Burma/Myanmar
85. Chin Youth Organization of North America (CYONA)
86. Chinbridge Institute (CI), Burma/Myanmar
87. Chin Community in Norway (CCN)
88. Chin Community of Indiana (CCI), USA
89. Central Chin Youth Organization (CCYO), Burma/Myanmar
90. Chin Civil Society Network (CCSN), Burma/Myanmar
91. Chin Literature and Culture Committee (Universities – Yangon), Burma/Myanmar
92. Chin Refugee Committee (Delhi), India
93. Chin Student Union, Burma/Myanmar
94. Chin Community in Denmark (CCDK)
95. Chin Women Organization (Hakha), Burma/Myanmar
96. Cherry Foundation (Yangon), Burma/Myanmar
97. Equality Myanmar (EQMM), Burma/Myanmar
98. Future Light Center (FLC), Burma/Myanmar
99. Genuine People’s Servants (GPS), Burma/Myanmar
100. Generation Wave (GW), Burma/Myanmar
101. Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM), Burma/Myanmar
102. Human Rights Educators Network (HREN), Burma/Myanmar
103. Independent Chin Communities (ICC), Malaysia
104. Indigenous Peoples’ Partnership (IPP), Burma/Myanmar
105. Karen Women’s Organization (KWO), Burma/Myanmar
106. Karenni Human Rights Group (KnHRG), Burma/Myanmar
107. Karenni Legal and Human Rights Center (KnLHRC), Burma/Myanmar
108. Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG), Burma/Myanmar
109. Kachin Women’s Association Thailand (KWAT), Burma/Myanmar
110. Loka Ahlinn (Social Development Network), Burma/Myanmar
111. Khumi Affairs Coordination Council (KACC), Burma/Myanmar
112. Koung Jor Shan Refugee Camp (KJSRC), Burma/Myanmar
113. Metta Campaign – Mandalay, Burma/Myanmar
114. Myanmar Human Rights Alliance Network (MHRAN), Burma/Myanmar
115. Myanmar People Alliance (Shan State) (MPA-SS), Burma/Myanmar
116. Myanmar Cultural Research Society (MCRS), Burma/Myanmar
117. Peace & Development Center (Meikhtila), Burma/Myanmar
118. Progressive Voice (PV), Burma/Myanmar
119. Reliable Organization, Burma/Myanmar
120. Synergy (Social Harmony Organization), Burma/Myanmar
121. Ta’ang Women’s Organization (TWO), Burma/Myanmar
122. The Seagull:Human Rights, Peace & Development, Burma/Myanmar
123. Women Peace Network (WPN), Burma/Myanmar
124. Women’s League of Burma (WLB), Burma/Myanmar
125. White Marker Group, Burma/Myanmar
126. Yangon Youth Network (YYN), Burma/Myanmar
127. Youth Corner (YC Hakha), Burma/Myanmar
128. ရွှေခြံမြေကွန်ရက်၊ ကွမ်းခြံကုန်း ၊ ရန်ကုန်တိုင်းဒေသကြီး၊ Burma/Myanmar
129. လူအခွင့်အရေးကာကွယ်မြှင့်တင်ရေးကွန်ရက်၊ ချောက်မြို့နယ်၊ မကွေးတိုင်းဒေသကြီး၊ Burma/Myanmar
130. အလုပ်သမားအဖွဲ့ဖွဲ့စည်းပေါ်ပေါက်ရေးနှင့် အမျိုးသမီးအခွင့်အရေးအသိပညာပေးရေး ပဲခူးကွန်ရက်၊ ပဲခူးတိုင်းဒေသကြီး၊ Burma/Myanmar
131. တောင်သူလယ်သမားများနှင့် ရေလုပ်သားများ အကျိုးစီးပွားကာကွယ်စောင့်ရှောက်ရေး ကွန်ရက်၊ မြစ်ကျိုးတိုက်နယ်၊ ပဲခူးတိုင်းဒေသကြီး၊ Burma/Myanmar
132. ဥသျှစ်ပင် လူငယ်ကွန်ရက်၊ ဥသျှစ်ပင်မြို့နယ်၊ ပန်းတောင်းမြို့နယ်၊ ပဲခူးတိုင်းဒေသကြီး၊ Burma/Myanmar
133. တောင်သူလယ်သမားများဥပဒေအထောက်အကူပြု ကွန်ရက် (PLAN-A) ၊ မြောက်ဦးမြို့နယ်၊ ရခိုင်ပြည်နယ်၊ Burma/Myanmar
134. မွန်လူငယ်ကွန်ရက်၊ ရေးလမိုင်း၊ မွန်ပြည်နယ်၊ Burma/Myanmar
135. လူမူဖွံ့ဖြိုးရေးနှင့် ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးကွန်ရက်၊ ပေါင်မြို့နယ်၊ မွန်ပြည်နယ်၊ Burma/Myanmar
136. Ramkhye – ရမ်းခေး မြစ်ကြီးနား ကွန်ရက်၊ မြစ်ကြီးနား၊ ကချင်ပြည်နယ်၊ Burma/Myanmar
137. Justice Drum ကွန်ရက်၊ ရှမ်းပြည်နယ်တောင်ပိုင်း၊ Burma/Myanmar
138. ရပ်ရွာငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးနှင့်ဖွံ့ဖြိုးရေးရှေ့ဆောင်အဖွဲ့ (Area Peace and Development Forward) ကလေး မြို့နယ်၊ ကလေး ခရိုင်၊ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း၊ Burma/Myanma
139. ဒို့လယ်ယာ ကွန်ရက်၊ အင်္ဂပူမြို့နယ်၊ ဟင်္သာတခရိုင်၊ ဧရာဝတီတိုင်းဒေသကြီး၊ Burma/Myanmar
Individual:
140. Jim Gomez

The Burma Army Must Immediately Halt Fighting & Adhere to A Global Ceasefire in Response to COVID-19

[Statement] The Burma Army Must Immediately Halt Fighting & Adhere to A Global Ceasefire in Response to COVID-19

10 April 2020: The Network for Human Rights Documentation Burma (ND-Burma) is concerned that the Burma Army is using their response to COVID-19 to justify its authority and presence in conflict affected ethnic areas, where they are largely responsible for fuelling conflict and exacerbating tensions between ethnic armed organizations (EAOs). ND-Burma condemns any emergency relief effort that puts the needs of the military before the people of the country.

The Burma government has taken several steps including forming an emergency task force with military and civilian ministries to support measures around law enforcement and stability and to expand government efforts to respond to the pandemic. However, these efforts have been met with caution as it appears the Burma Army is only interested in preserving their power through any means possible.  The military has their own budget and facilities for health and care, which are inaccessible to the majority of the population. It has been made clear that the military is well prepared to protect themselves from COVID-19, though the same cannot be said for civilians.

As the pandemic quickly spreads across Burma, ND-Burma is particularly worried about cases in conflict affected areas of northern Shan and Rakhine States, where access to treatment, information and support is compromised by active fighting. According to Ta’ang community-based organizations, including ND-Burma members, the Ta’ang Women’s Organization and the Ta’ang Students and Youths Union, in March 2020 alone, there were 18 documented cases of arbitrary arrest, torture and forced portering in northern Shan. In Rakhine State, relief efforts are compromised as the world’s longest running government-imposed Internet shutdown continues. This only makes the situation more dangerous as civilians lack access to critical information about the precautions they should be taking amid COVID-19. Last month, ND-Burma member, All Arakan Students’ and Youths’ Congress, documented 51 cases of killing, torture/ inhuman degrading treatment, disappearance and arbitrary arrest and oppression of media in Arakan State and Paletwa township of Chin State. Despite the UN General-Secretary Antonio Guterres calling for a ‘global ceasefire,’ the Burma Army has rejected calls for ceasefires from the Brotherhood Alliance and the Chin National Front. Clashes remain active across Burma’s ethnic states indicating that COVID-19 has not changed the rules of combat.

Recently, the Burma Army soldiers and Commander in Chief, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing donated US $1.6 Million to be used in the prevention, control and treatment of COVID-19. While it was a move that demonstrated the financial invested needed to combat the virus, it should not have been necessary, had health infrastructure been adequately funded. The amount donated also shows the extortionate amount of money that the military receives – for salaries alone – in a country where 37% of the 51 million people live near or below the poverty line. There are many vulnerable groups in Burma who cannot access or afford basic health infrastructure. With many different ethnic languages spoken, the Burma government must make health awareness materials available that are translated and adapted for those who are not literate.

With the safety of at-risk populations has already been made evident by increases in domestic violence, food shortages, and inadequate community shelters for quarantine purposes, the government response has also been slow and ill-informed. Civil-society organizations are currently working overtime to fill the gaps and facilitate food, basins for hand washing and disinfection sprayers.

We have seen this type of behaviour from Burma’s military many times in the past. Their response to crises in the country has set an unfortunate precedent that the Burma Army has no moral compass – no sense of compassionate leadership that would otherwise see their efforts spent engaged in tactful response, rather than strategic warfare. The handling of the situation so far is subject to further critique by the military’s efforts to censor information by the media that they feel harms their reputation. In times of emergencies, the press should be allowed access to free, fair and protected spaces to do their jobs and raise the voices of local people who have been impacted.

ND-Burma members call for the Burma government and military to ensure no civilians are left behind in efforts to stop the spread of COVID-19. The Internet shutdown in Rakhine and Chin States must be lifted immediately and the Burma Army must agree to a nationwide ceasefire if they are truly sincere in their attempts to protect the people during the pandemic. Support must be given to humanitarian aid groups to facilitate aid safely and without fear, and every effort should be made to provide access to information on COVID-19. ND-Burma calls for the government and military to ensure all civilians have personal protective equipment including masks, hand sanitizer and access to hand washing basins and safe spaces for group and self-quarantine.

ND-Burma believes that true peace in Burma is possible if the Burma Army, EAOs and the government work together to overcome all obstacles, including COVID-19, especially when it comes to assisting populations who are highly vulnerable. This includes women, children, the elderly, and civilians forcibly displaced by conflict and those living in rural, difficult to access areas. The circumstances of COVID-19 have called on the world to become more compassionate to the needs of the poor and marginalized. Burma’s response is no exception and history will not judge the military or government kindly if they fail to act in line with basic human rights principles.

 

Media Contact

Thet Thet Aung, Future Light Center

Phone No: +95 9794932344

Lway Poe Jay, Ta’ang Students and Youth Union

Phone No: +95 9264162229

ND-Burma is a network that consists of 12-member organisations who represent a range of ethnic nationalities, women and former political prisoners. ND-Burma member organisations have been documenting human rights abuses and fighting for justice for victims since 2004. The network consists of nine Full Members and four Affiliate Members as follows:

Full Members:

  1. Assistance Association for Political Prisoners – Burma
  2. Human Rights Foundation of Monland
  3. Kachin Women’s Association – Thailand
  4. Ta’ang Women’s Organization
  5. Ta’ang Students and Youth Union
  6. Tavoyan Women’s Union
  7. Association Human Rights Defenders and Promoters
  8. All Arakan Students’ and Youths’ Congress
  9. Future Light Center

       Affiliate Members:

  1. Chin Human Rights Organization
  2. East Bago – Former Political Prisoners Network
  3. Pa-O Youth Organization
  4. Progressive Voice

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Statement of the Ta’ang Community Based Organizations on Serious Human Right Violations by the Burmese Military

Date – April, 8, 2020
1. While the coronavirus pandemic is overwhelming the world, the Burma Army is committing war crimes with impunity in Northern Shan State, Read more

March Justice Newsletter (20202)

March Justice Newsletter

Summary Overview

A Global Pandemic Hits Burma: COVID19 & Human Rights
The Corona Virus, also known as COVID19, has been the cause of global fear as the world tries to grapple with the new realities of isolating during a pandemic. From a human rights perspective, fears of access to health providers and information remain the biggest concern. Read more

AA Raids Rice Shipment Intended for Displaced Villagers in Myanmar’s Chin State

By NAN LWIN HNIN PWINT 30 March 2020

YANGON—The Arakan Army (AA) looted part of a shipment of 100 sacks of rice intended for more than 1,700 displaced Chin villagers in Paletwa Township on Sunday, but returned most of it after media reports about the incident were published, according to the Chin State government.

AA fighters stopped a truck transporting the rice from Samee to Paletwa, where it was to be supplied to 1,771 displaced people on Sunday morning. The shipment was arranged by a community-based committee in Paletwa that is working to bring extra food into the township.

The rice was bought by the Chin State government and local civil society organizations for displaced persons in Paletwa some two months ago, but clashes delayed delivery.

The fighting between the AA and the Myanmar military (or Tatmadaw) has displaced thousands of Paletwa Township villagers; a total of 1,771 are now sheltering in Paletwa town, and 2,945 are in Samee town, also in Chin State.

After the committee lost contact with the three men who were in the truck bringing the rice to Paletwa, Chin State Minister of Municipal Affairs, Electricity and Industry U Soe Htet told The Irrawaddy on Sunday that the AA had stolen the rice.

According to committee chairman U Sein Tun Hla, the AA phoned him at around 2 p.m. the same day and asked him whether the rice was really intended for civilians. He said the AA called him back in the evening and asked him to sell 20 bags of rice to AA members in the area, who are also struggling to pay for food at current prices, which have risen sharply this year due to the fighting in the area. He said he agreed to the request.

However, the AA members did not pay for the 20 bags of rice up front, saying they would contact the committee and pay for it later, he said.

The AA then allowed the three men to pass, along with the truck and 80 bags of rice at around 5.30 p.m. They arrived in Paletwa on Monday morning.

U Soe Htet, the Chin State minister, told The Irrawaddy on Monday that the AA at first drove the rice truck into the forest. Later, after the media started reporting on the incident, the armed group said it only did so in order to question the drivers.

“The transport committee and displaced people are so happy that they can keep bags of rice, so they don’t blame the AA for taking some. We are satisfied, whether or not they pay [for the rice]. We are happy that some [food] can be transported now; none could be transported previously,” U Soe Htet said.

Fierce clashes have been going on between the Myanmar military and the AA since Feb. 5 along the Kalandan River in Paletwa and Rakhine State’s Kyauktaw Township, effectively blocking food supplies to Paletwa.

“We ran out of rice in February. The price of rice even went up to 100,000 kyats [about US$72] per bag. But we could not afford it. We are hoping for some aid. We are suffering a severe food shortage. I would like to appeal to both sides, because we are experiencing real hardship,” said U Kyaw Kyaw, who is sheltering along with some 500 displaced persons in Meeza Village in Paletwa.

On March 23, the Myanmar government declared the AA a terrorist group and an unlawful association, saying its actions pose risks to the public and disrupt law and order, peace and the stability of the country. The AA has said it is fighting for self-determination and autonomy for Rakhine people.

The Central Committee for Counterterrorism also declared the AA a terrorist group, and the Tatmadaw has said it would take legal action against anyone who has ties to the group, under the Counterterrorism Law.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko

Irrawaddy News

Myanmar journalist hit with terrorism charges for interviewing insurgents

By AFP

MANDALAY — A Myanmar journalist faces up to life in prison for publishing an interview with an ethnic armed group operating in the country’s restive Rakhine State, a week after the insurgents were classified as a terrorist organisation.

The western region has long been a tinderbox of conflict between the Myanmar military and Arakan Army (AA), a group demanding greater autonomy for the state’s ethnic Rakhine people.

Clashes have left scores of civilians killed, hundreds injured and about 150,000 displaced since January last year, and both sides have traded allegations of abuse.

A March 27 interview with a top-ranking AA representative published by the Mandalay-based Voice of Myanmar landed editor-in-chief Ko Nay Myo Lin in court on terrorism charges Tuesday.

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His report on the encounter was published after the government declared on March 23 that the insurgents had been classified as a “terrorist group”.

“I was accused under two charges of the counter-terrorism law,” he told reporters after leaving the court in Mandalay.

The charges, which cover violations including allowing terrorist groups to spread fear, gather or hide, were filed by Special Branch, Myanmar’s intelligence arm, he said.

They carry penalties ranging from three years to life in prison.

“This is disturbing for press freedom,” said the journalist, who previously worked for the BBC’s Burmese-language news service.

His wife Ma Zarni Mann, a reporter with independent local news outlet The Irrawaddy, said her husband’s laptop was seized.

She decried the use of counter-terrorism laws against journalists.

Myanmar has come under fire in the past for the high-profile jailing of two Reuters journalists who were convicted in 2018 of breaching a law on state secrets after revealing a massacre of Rohingya Muslims.

The pair were eventually freed by presidential pardon after spending more than a year in jail.

Myanmar is ranked 138 out of 180 countries for press freedom by campaign group Reporters Without Borders.

Frontier Myanmar