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The world needs to recognise—and support—Myanmar’s ‘humanitarian resistance’

September 27, 2022/in News

As UN aid agencies line up to sign deals with the junta, local groups fighting “for victory and humanity” continue to be the country’s real saviours The recent rush of UN agencies to sign memorandums of understanding (MOUs) with Myanmar’s military junta has raised important questions about who is really carrying the burden of humanitarian […]

AN OPEN LETTER FROM 567 CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANIZATIONS CALLING FOR LEADERS OF THE ETHNIC RESISTANCE ORGANIZATIONS NOT TO ENGAGE WITH MYANMAR’S STATE ADMINISTRATIVE COUNCIL

September 27, 2022/in Press Releases and Statements

26 September 2022 The undersigned Civil Society Organizations urge the Ethnic Resistance Organization not to attend the military sham Peace Dialogue, a sham intended as a way to distract and exit from their own political, military, and economic crisis. The armed conflict currently unfolding must be understood clearly as a battle between the military and […]

The world needs to recognise—and support—Myanmar’s ‘humanitarian resistance’

September 27, 2022/in News

AN OPEN LETTER FROM 567 CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANIZATIONS CALLING FOR LEADERS OF THE ETHNIC RESISTANCE ORGANIZATIONS NOT TO ENGAGE WITH MYANMAR’S STATE ADMINISTRATIVE COUNCIL

September 27, 2022/in Press Releases and Statements

Full Sized Blog Element (Big Preview Pic)

The world needs to recognise—and support—Myanmar’s ‘humanitarian resistance’

September 27, 2022/in News

As UN aid agencies line up to sign deals with the junta, local groups fighting “for victory and humanity” continue to be the country’s real saviours

The recent rush of UN agencies to sign memorandums of understanding (MOUs) with Myanmar’s military junta has raised important questions about who is really carrying the burden of humanitarian assistance in the country—international aid agencies, or local relief groups engaged in resisting the regime?

In a recent paper, Hugo Slim, a UK-based expert on the ethics of humanitarian aid, offers some valuable insight on this issue, which has been the subject of often passionate debate in Myanmar. Titled “Humanitarian resistance: Its ethical and operational importance,” this paper examines the respective roles of local civil society organisations and activist groups participating in the Spring Revolution on the one hand, and UN agencies and the INGO aid community on the other.

There is growing frustration on both sides. Those who work for international aid agencies, especially foreign nationals, feel that they are being unfairly criticised for trying to assist vulnerable populations. While they lament that this may mean making “many hard and unpleasant compromises in order to serve higher humanitarian imperatives,” as one such individual put it to me recently, they insist that this is necessary in order to function in a very complex situation.

On the other side, local activists feel that they are speaking for most in Myanmar when they say that the country has been largely abandoned by the international community—not least by the UN and its humanitarian agencies. Looking back over the past 19 months, what they see is the failure of UN agencies and INGOs to provide aid where it is needed most. Only a trickle of aid has come into the country, and it has only reached areas where the regime has allowed them to operate.

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Villagers flee their homes as junta troops carry out raids in Sagaing Region’s Depayin Township in July

In Slim’s terminology, this is a dispute between what he calls the “local humanitarian resistance community” and the community of “conventional international humanitarian agencies.” The first term in particular is helpful in understanding the core of the disagreement, because it highlights the emergence of an alternative to more traditional thinking about the place of humanitarian relief work in the context of conflict.

Since its attempt to seize power in February of last year, Myanmar’s military has faced protests, civil disobedience and armed resistance; in response, it has unleashed harsh, indiscriminate, large-scale and systematic violence. Its sole aim is to crush dissent at any cost, and its inability to achieve this goal has only made it more brutal. Currently in control of less than 50% of the country’s territory, and vulnerable to attack even in areas where it has a strong presence, it routinely deploys jets, helicopters and ground troops to carry out “clearance operations” anywhere that it cannot impose its rule. The result has been a huge and growing humanitarian crisis.

This crisis has been created by the junta, and nobody else. As it continues to worsen day by day, week by week, the people of Myanmar have responded with an impressive display of what Slim calls “humanitarian resistance,” which doesn’t just address immediate needs, but also recognises that inflicting suffering on the civilian population is not just an unfortunate side effect of the country’s conflict, but an integral part of the military’s strategy. Thus, no amount of international aid will help as long as the regime continues with its systematic dislocation of civilians and destruction of their property and livelihoods.

Displaced locals flee army shelling in Kyauk Gyi Township, Bago Region, on June 29 (KNU)

KNU says more than 150,000 displaced in its territory

Figures released by the group suggest that Myanmar’s post-coup humanitarian crisis is rapidly escalating

Within Myanmar, local humanitarian resistance groups enjoy the trust and appreciation of the general population, while international aid agencies are increasingly regarded with frustration and even anger. Conversely, people outside of the country, who have little knowledge or recognition of the value of resistance humanitarianism, continue to hold the international agencies in high esteem, if only because these agencies have been so skillful at promoting themselves on the world stage.

There are a number of reasons that many in Myanmar take such a dim view of international agencies. One is that they are seen as remote, top-down organisations. They are also far less numerous and diverse than local, grass-roots groups. But perhaps the most important reason is that they see themselves as obliged to remain “neutral” and “non-partisan”—unlike local humanitarian resistance groups, which, according to Slim, “simultaneously [take] sides for human life and human freedom” and “combine a desire for victory and humanity.”

In his paper, Slim looks at Myanmar and Ukraine as examples of humanitarian resistance in action. In both countries, he sees evidence of how the humanitarian response to their respective political crises aims to serve “the cause of victory”:

“In Myanmar, people committed to the resistance are boycotting government institutions and have either created new associations for the rescue and relief of people suffering from the dictatorship’s violence and increasing poverty, or they are surging existing social and religious institutions for the same effect. In Ukraine, where an entire nation is fighting for survival against outside aggression, people have come together en masse as volunteer auxiliaries to dramatically expand the provision of food relief, emergency housing and education, social work, civil defence and ambulance and fire services.”
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Volunteer medics travel on foot to remote villages in Karenni State (Loyalty Mobile Team)

According to Slim, “All these welfare activities combine a humanitarian and a resistance purpose in the same activity. Being a resistance humanitarian in Myanmar or Ukraine means playing your part in the struggle. Working as a medic, a firefighter or an emergency teacher is experienced and understood as a valuable form of civil resistance.”

The fact that many see their humanitarian activities as part of a political struggle in no way detracts from the effectiveness of their efforts, says Slim. Indeed, he observes that humanitarian resistance has had a “significant” impact in terms of meeting people’s needs:

“Tens of thousands of people have been rescued from Ukrainian cities under Russian attack by informal groups using their own cars and covert routes in a continuous relay of rescue runs. These rescuers see their humanitarian work as part of the political struggle against the Russian invasion. In Myanmar, hundreds of thousands of people are being helped with food, healthcare and emergency education by rescue committees and relief committees formed by people from the [Civil Disobedience Movement] who have left their government jobs to work for alternative, resistance institutions.”

Unlike international aid organisations, which are relatively generously funded by donor countries, the local humanitarian resistance community is primarily financed by members of the public who are in many cases struggling with hardships of their own due to the economic fallout of the coup. An energized and self-organised diaspora is also making a contribution.

Another difference is that local humanitarian resistance work relies heavily on volunteers, whereas international aid agencies are mostly staffed by well-paid professionals. Expats employed to do international aid work typically follow a career path that takes them from one “crisis spot” to another. Most currently working “on Myanmar” do so from a safe distance—from neighbouring Thailand or even farther afield. And while they can expect to advance in their careers even under these circumstances, many humanitarian resistance workers actually inside the country have had to abandon their professions to oppose the injustice and repression of the military regime.

Needless to say, “resistance humanitarians” don’t just sacrifice their careers—they also risk their lives. On numerous occasions people providing aid have been arrested, tortured and imprisoned. Some have been killed.

Doctors attend an anti-coup protest in Yangon in February 2021 (Myanmar Now)

Military demands Mandalay hospitals submit patient lists in ‘bid to prevent treatment’ of injured resistance fighters

The junta has also revoked the licences of 14 medics and threatened to shut down private clinics that employ CDM doctors

Meanwhile, conventional humanitarian agencies have been struggling to respond to the suffering in Myanmar. Their mode of operations requires the explicit or implicit consent of the regime, which has hugely restricted what they can do. But beyond this, they have also been constrained by their own bureaucratic character, which makes them extremely slow and expensive, as well as prone to self-censorship.

In short, there has been an enormous disproportionality between these two very different aid communities, in terms of their cost, effectiveness, and risk. This raises the question of which side actually receives the most money from international donors. The answer, of course, is that almost all funding flows to major agencies or organisations, while virtually none reaches groups engaged in humanitarian resistance.

This is not a new situation. It has long been the case that local groups have had to operate on shoestring budgets, while international aid agencies have been far more lavishly funded. This has been a source of some resentment among local aid groups, but most have hesitated to speak out about it, as they see the international aid agencies as being at least potential allies against the real enemy—Myanmar’s repressive military.

More recently, however, many have become more outspoken about this disparity, as they watch multiple UN agencies hasten to sign MOUs with the junta. In effect, according to those who are now witnessing this spectacle from the trenches of Myanmar’s ongoing humanitarian catastrophe, these agencies have broken their long-held principle of neutrality by reaching agreements with a regime that has no legitimacy in the eyes of the country’s people.

This cannot be defended as pragmatism. A genuinely pragmatic approach would be one that involves deals with both the regime and with the National Unity Government and governing entities in liberated ethnic territories. This would enable a more fair and balanced distribution of aid into areas that are currently being served almost entirely by humanitarian resistance organisations.

At this point, there are few in Myanmar who believe that the UN agencies are primarily motivated by a desire to deliver aid more effectively. Rather, they are seen as acting mostly out of institutional self-interest. Meanwhile, resistance organisations and networks continue to do what they have been doing to save the country from the coup regime. They need to be noticed, recognised and supported by donor countries. Yangon-based UN agencies and INGOs will not provide for them.

Igor Blazevic is a prominent human rights campaigner based in the Czech Republic. He is a lecturer at Educational Initiatives, a training program for Myanmar activists, and a senior adviser with the Prague Civil Society Centre.

Myanmar Now News

AN OPEN LETTER FROM 567 CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANIZATIONS CALLING FOR LEADERS OF THE ETHNIC RESISTANCE ORGANIZATIONS NOT TO ENGAGE WITH MYANMAR’S STATE ADMINISTRATIVE COUNCIL

September 27, 2022/in Press Releases and Statements

26 September 2022

The undersigned Civil Society Organizations urge the Ethnic Resistance Organization not to attend the military sham Peace Dialogue, a sham intended as a way to distract and exit from their own political, military, and economic crisis.

The armed conflict currently unfolding must be understood clearly as a battle between the military and the people. Min Aung Hlaing led-terrorist military has ignored the will of the people in the election and attempted to stage a coup since February 1, 2021 and arrested the elected members of parliament. Since they refused to accept the result of the 2020 November General Election, which was accepted by the international community as a free and fair election and in which the people freely cast their votes, they became merely a terrorist organization which no longer has legitimacy domestically and internationally.

In order to take power the military cruelly tortured and killed peaceful protesters who protested against their unlawful actions according to democratic practice. Therefore they are regarded as merely a terrorist organization according to international and domestic laws.

It is evident that the terrorist military council is targeting civilians across the country every day. The terrorist military is committing war crimes and crimes against humanity by torching villages, looting civilian properties, burning civilians alive, including children and women, mass killing, raping women, shelling civilian sites with artilleries, and inflicting aerial attacks and bombardments on civilian sites, religious buildings, schools and IDP camps.

As the terrorist military council violated the ASEAN’s five-point Consensus and ignored the international community, they not only failed to receive any recognition from the international community but were isolated and prevented from attending ASEAN summits and related minister-level meetings.

As the terrorist military council can no longer defeat the people’s resistance, they are creating a sham peace dialogue using ethnic armed organizations in order to mislead the international community, including ASEAN.

This terrorist military council (formerly Myanmar Tatmadaw) dictated and influenced peace dialogues using the 2008 Constitution; not a single genuine peace and political agreement has been achieved under this military. Again, the invitation to ethnic armed resistance organizations by the military group firmly holding the 2008 Constitution is not a genuine attempt to find a peaceful political resolution and build a Federal Democratic Union to meet the political aspirations of ethnic armed organizations. Instead, it is evident that it is a sham dialogue intended to divide and rule the resistance groups, namely the Spring revolution forces, the people and ethnic armed organizations.

Therefore, attending this sham dialogue is not only against the will of the people resisting this terrorist group, but will also lend legitimacy to this terrorist military council. In addition, it will further delay the process of building genuine peace and federal democracy, and also place further obstacles to the delivery of humanitarian assistance to the people most in need. Worse, sham talks will permit and encourage further crimes against humanity committed by the terrorist military group.

The military group led by the terrorist Min Aung Hlaing continues to kill their own people. He is currently facing criminal charges in the International Court of Justice for allegedly committing genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes. It is imperative to learn from Myanmar’s history that this terrorist group is not a worthy political dialogue partner for peace and to make efforts to remove them from Myanmar’s political arena entirely. Hence, we call on ethnic armed organizations – that have been consistently struggling for democracy, federalism, and peace – to avoid attending sham political and peace dialogues (either publicly or secretly) held by the terrorist military group and join with people who are fighting to totally remove the military from politics.

Note – out of a total of 567 organizations endorsed the letter, only 281 organizations have been identified for security reasons.

Signed by

Action Against Myanmar Military Coup (Sydney)
All Burma Indigenous People Alliance
Action Committee for Democracy Development
Active Youths (Kalay)
All Arakan Civil Society Organization Network (AACSON)
All Arakan Civil Society Partnership (AACSP)
Anti-Dictatorship in Burma – DC Metropolitan Area
Arakan Civil Engagement Network (ACEN)
Arakan CSO Network
Arakan Humanitarian Coordination Team – AHCT
Arakan National Democratic Party
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma)
Association of United in Nationalities in Japan, AUN-Japan
Australia Karen Organization
AYN – Ayeyarwady Youth Network
Back Pack Health Worker Team
BCC စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း
Burma Human Rights Network
Basic Education Workers’ Union
Basic Education General Strikes Committee
Burma Environmental Working Group (BEWG)
Burma Medical Association
Burmese Canadian Network
Burmese Chin Community of Atlanta
Burmese Democratic Forces (USA)
Burmese Muslim Association (BMA)
Burmese Rohingya Association in Japan (BRAJ)
Calgary Karen Community (CKCA)
Candle light (ပနဲတာကပေါ်)
CDM Support Team Mandalay (CSTM)
Center for Peace and Development
Civil Information Network (CIN)
Chin Community of Japan
Chin CSOs Forum for Peace
Chin Farmer Network (CFN)
Chin Movement Alliance (CMA)
Chin Representative – GSCN
Chin Resources Center
Chin Student Union (CSU)
Chin Women Development Organization (CWDO)
Chin Youth Network (CYN)
Chinland Natural Resources Watch Group
Civil Society Forum for Peace Network (Arakan)
Danu Youth Organization
Dawei Development Association
Dawei Defense Team (DDT)
Dawei Township Basic Education Students’ Union
Edmonton Karen Community Youth Organization
Educational Initiatives Myanmar
Equality Myanmar
European Karen Network (EKN)
Federal FM Mandalay
Federation of Worker ‘s Union of Burmese Citizens in Japan (FWUBC)
Free Burma Action Committee – Northern California
Free Burma Action Committee – Sacremento
Free Burma Action Committee – San Francisco
Free Burma Action Committee – Central Valley
Future Thanlwin
Global Myanmar Spring Revolution
Global Shan Network
Green Network (Myeik)
Hkunzup Development Committee
Humanity Institute
Human Rights Foundation of Monland
Inlihtan Peninsula Tenasserim
International Karen Organization (IKO)
Japan Myanmar Help Network (comprising of over 40 youth groups in Japan)
Kachin Affairs Organization Japan, KAO (Japan)
Kachin Alliance (US)
Kachin Gender Star Group

Kamma Lover
Kanpetlet Affairs Council (KAC)
Karen National League Japan (KNL)
Karen Community in Netherland
Karen Community of Canada (KCC)
Karen Community of Czech Republic
Karen Community of Finland
Karen Community of Hamilton
Karen Community of Ireland
Karen Community of Israel
Karen Community of Kitchener &Waterloo
Karen Community of Leamington
Karen Community of Lethbridge
Karen Community of London
Karen Community of Ottawa
Karen Community of Regina
Karen Community of Saskatoon
Karen Community of Thunderbay
Karen Community of Toronto
Karen Community of Utica New York (USA)
Karen Community of Windsor
Karen Community of Winnipeg
Karen Community Society of British Columbia (KCSBC)
KCN (Karen Community in Norway)
Karen Environmental and Social Action Network
Karen Grassroot Women Network
Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG)
Karen-Korea Joint Mission and Education Center
Karen National League Japan – KNL
Karen Organization for Relief and Development
Karen Organization of American (KOA)
Karen Peace Support Network
Karen Refugee Committee
Karen Rivers Watch
Karen Student Association
Karen Student Network Group
Karen Swedish Community (KSC)
Karen Teacher Working Group
Karen Women Organization
Karen Youth of Norway
Karen Youth of Toronto
Karenni Federations of Australia (KNFA)
Karenni Global Network
Kayan Recuse Committee (KRC)
Karenni Human Rights Group (KnHRG)
Karenni National Society Japan, KNS-Japan
Karenni Society New Zealand
Kayan American Organisation
Kayan International Network (KIN)
Kayan New Generation Youth (KNGY)
Kayan Women’s Organization (KyWO)
Kayah Earthrights Action Network (KEAN)
Kayaw Women’s Association (KWA)
Keng Tung Youth
Korea Karen Organization
Korea Karen Youth Organization
Kuki’s Women Rights Organization (KWHRO)
Kyae Lak Myay
Kyaukse University Students’ Union
LAIN Technical Support Group
Laung Lone Youth Network (LLYN)
Let’s Help Each Other
LGBTIQ (လိင်စိတ်ခံယူမှုကွဲပြားသူများ) သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း – LGBTIQ Strike of Mandalay
Magway People’s Revolution Committee (မကွေးလူထုတိုက်ပွဲကော်မတီ)
Mandalay Youth Association (MRYA)
Maraland CDM Force
MATA စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း
MIIT ကျောင်းသားကျောင်းသူများ သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း – MIIT Student Strike Column
Minhla Youth Network
Mon National Council (Australia)
Mon National Network
Mon State Development Center
Myanmar Alliance for Transparency and Accountability
Myanmar Cultural Research Society (MCRS)
Myanmar Ethnic Students Organization
Myanmar People Alliance (Shan State)
Myanmar Society of USA Inc.
Myanmar Unity Movement UK
Myaung Education Network မြောင်ပညာရေးကွန်ရက်
Myaung Medical Team နွေဦးရောင်နီဆေးအဖွဲ့
Myanmar Labor Alliance (MLA)
Network for Advocacy Action
Network for Human Rights Documentation Burma (ND-Burma)
New Rehmonnya Federated Force (NRFF)
Overseas Karen Organization (Japan)
Oway Institute
Pakokku Youth Development Council
Pa-O Women’s Organization
Palaung National Society Japan, PNS-Japan
Pa-oh Youths Japan, PYJ-Japan
Pa-O Youth Organization (PYO)
Progressive Voice
Punnyakari Mon National Society Japan, PMNS-Japan
Reliable Organization
Safe of Dawei
Save and Care Organization for Ethnic Women at the Border Areas
Save Myanmar (USA)
Save Myanmar San Francisco
Save the Salween Network (SSN)
Shan Community in Japan (SCJ)
Shan MATA
Shan State Nationalities for Democracy Japan, SSND-Japan
Shanan Foundation
Social Program Aid for Civic Education (SPACE)
Southern Dragon
Southern Wings
Southern Youth Development Organization
Spring Traveler
Ta’ang Students and Youth Uion (TSYU)
Ta’ang Women’s Organisation (TWO)
Tanintharyi MATA
Tanintharyi Nationalities Congress – TNC (တနင်္သာရီလူမျိုးပေါင်းစုံကွန်ဂရက်)
Tanintharyi People’s Voice
Tanitharyi Women’s Network
Tanintharyi Youth Network (TYN)
Tawwin Thazin Women Group
Tenasserim Student Unions’ Network – TSUN
Thint Myat Lo Thu Myar Organization
The Ladies
Third Eye (Mindat)
Thwee Community Development Network2
Technological Teachers’ Federation
Union of Karenni State Youth (UKSY)
United Hands for New Myanmar-Upstate NY
University Of Forestry and Environmental Science Council
University Students’ Unions Alumni Force (USUAF)
Women Activists Myanmar
Women Advocacy Coalition-Myanmar
Women for Women Foundation (WWF)
Women’s League of Burma (WLB)
White Coat Society Yangon
Yangon Medical Network
Youth Development Institute (YDI)
Youths for Community-Myaung
ကချင်စာပေနှင့်ယဉ်ကျေးမှုအသင်း၊ တက္ကသိုလ်များ၊ရန်ကုန်။ – Universities Kachin Literature and Culture Association – Yangon (Yangon JLH)
ကျန်းမာရေးမိသားစု – မန္တလေး – (Medical Family – Mandalay)
ကွန်ပျူတာတက္ကသိုလ်(မန္တလေး)ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ – Computer University ( Mandalay ) Student Union
ချမ်းမြသာစည်မြို့နယ် လူထုသပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း – Chan Mya Thar Si Township People

Strike Column

ခုနှစ်စင်ကြယ်အဖွဲ့
ဂိမှာန်ထောက်ပို့ကော်မတီ – တနင်္သာရီ
စာနာ-SaNaR (Save The Natural Resource)
စိန်ပန်း သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း – Sein Pan Strike Column
စစ်ဘေးရှောင်စခန်းများစီမံခန့်ခွဲရေးကော်မတီ – ပုလောမြို့နယ်
ဆီသို့ – စာစဉ်
ဆေးတက္ကသိုလ်(မန္တလေး)ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ – Medical University ( Mandalay )

Student Union

ဆေးဘက်ဆိုင်ရာနည်းပညာတက္ကသိုလ်(မန္တလေး)ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ – Paramedical Technical University (Mandalay) Student Union
ဆေးဝါးတက္ကသိုလ်(မန္တလေး)ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ – Pharmacy University ( Mandalay ) Student Union
တမ္ပဝတီ လူထုသပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း
တက်ကြွလူငယ်
တိုက်ကွမ်ဒို အားကစားအသင်း – Taekwando Sport Association
တိုင်းရင်းဆေးတက္ကသိုလ်(မန္တလေး)ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ – Traditional Medicine ( Mandalay ) Student Union
တိုင်းရင်းသားလူငယ်များ အထွေထွေသပိတ်ကော်မတီ – Ethnic Youth General Strike Committee
တူမီး‌ – တော်လှန်ရေးစာစဉ်
တနင်္သာရီတိုင်းဒေသကြီး အခြေခံပညာ ဆရာ ဆရာမများ သမဂ္ဂ
ထားဝယ်ပညာရေးဘုတ်အဖွဲ့
ဒို့မြေကွန်ရက် (Land in Our Hands)
ဒေါင်းစစ်သည် – Daung Sit Thi
ဒေါနတနင်္သာရီ – စစ်ဘေးရှောင်များ အထောက်အကူပြုရေးအဖွဲ့
နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဥ်းသားများကွန်ရက် (ထားဝယ်)
နည်းပညာတက္ကသိုလ် (ရတနာပုံဆိုင်ဘာစီးတီး)ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ – Technical University Yadanapone Ciber City ) Student Union
ပညာရေးမိသားစု (စစ်အာဏာရှင်ဆန့်ကျင်ရေး ပညာရေးစစ်ကြောင်းများ ချိတ်ဆက်ညှိနှိုင်းရေ းကော်မတီ) – Education Family ( Anti – Fascists Education Strike Columns Coordination Committee)
ပြည်ကြီးတံခွန်သပိတ် – Pyi Gyi Ta Gon Strike
ပွင့်ဖြူလယ်ယာမြေကွန်ရက်
ပုဂ္ဂလိက မူကြိုဆရာ၊ ဆရာမများအဖွဲ့ – Private Pre- school Teachers Association
ဘာသာပေါင်းစုံ သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း – All Religions Strike Column
ဘုရားကြီး ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးသပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း – Phayagye Peace Strike Column
မွေးမြူရေးဆိုင်ရာဆေးတက္ကသိုလ်ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ
မန္တလာတက္ကသိုလ် ကျောင်းသားကျောင်းသူများသပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း – Mandalar University Student Strike Column
မန္တလာတက္ကသိုလ်ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ – Mandalar University Student Union
မန္တလေး ကုန်စည်ဒိုင်သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း – Mandalay Wholesale Strike Column
မန္တလေး၊ တက္ကသိုလ် ဒီဂရီ၊ ကောလိပ် ဆရာ၊ ဆရာမများ၊ ဝန်ထမ်းများ သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း – Strike Column of Teachers from Universities and Degree Colleges of Mandalay
မန္တလေးတက္ကသိုလ် ကျောင်းသား ကျောင်းသူဟောင်းများ သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း – Mandalay University Student Alumni Union
မန္တလေးတိုင်းဒေသကြီးလွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ – (Committee Representing Mandalay Region Hluttaw)
မန္တလေးနည်းပညာတက္ကသိုလ်ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ – Mandalay Technical University Student Union
မန္တလေးနိုင်ငံခြားဘာသာတက္ကသိုလ်ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ – Student Union of Mandalay University of Foreign Language
မန္တလေးပုဂ္ဂလိကတက္ကသိုလ် ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ (MPUSU) – Mandalay Private University Student Union ( MPUSU )
မန္တလေးမြို့အခြေစိုက် လူထုသပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း – Mandalay Based People Strike Column
မန္တလေးမဟာမိတ် သပိတ်တပ်ပေါင်းစုစစ်ကြောင်း – Mandalay Alliance Strike Collective Column
မန္တလေးလူငယ် သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း – Mandalay Youth Strike Column
မန္တလေးအင်ဂျင်နီယာ တပ်ပေါင်းစု – Mandalay Engineer United Force
မန္တလေးအင်ဂျင်နီယာများအဖွဲ့ – (Mandalay Engineer Group)
မန္တလေးအရပ်ဖက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ – Mandalay Civil Society Organizations
မျိုးဆက်-Generations
မြတောင် သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း – Mya Taung Strike Column
မြန်မာ့မီးရထား တိုင်းအမှတ် (၃) CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများ သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း – Myanmar Railway, Region (3) CDM Strike Column
မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဘဏ်အလုပ်သမားသမဂ္ဂများအဖွဲ့ချုပ် – (Bank Trade Unions Federation of Myanmar – BTUFM)
မြန်မာသတင်းအချက်အလက်နည်းပညာတက္ကသိုလ်(မန္တလေး)ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ – Myanmar Institute of Information Technology Students Union
မြစ်ကွေ့ – လူထုတော်လှန်ရေးစာစဉ်
မွတ်စ်လင်မ်လူငယ်များအဖွဲ့ – Muslim Youth Union
မဟာအောင်မြေမြို့နယ် စုပေါင်းလူထုသပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း – Maha Aung Myay Township People Collective Strike Column
ရတနာပုံတက္ကသိုလ်ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ (ရ.တ.က.သ) – Yadanapone University Student Union ( Ya. Ta. Ka. Tha)
လိင်စိတ်ခံယူမှုကွဲပြားသူများသမဂ္ဂ-မန္တလေး – LGBT Union Mandalay
လူငယ်ကဗျာဆရာများသမဂ္ဂ – Youth Poet Union
လူထုအလင်းရောင်
သံဃသမဂ္ဂ သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း – Sangha Samaga Strike Column
သပြေညို သတင်းလွှာ – Thapaynyo News Letter
သမဝါယမတက္ကသိုလ် ကျောင်းသူ၊ ကျောင်းသားများ သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း – Cooperative University Student Strike Column
သွားဘက်ဆိုင်ရာဆေးတက္ကသိုလ်(မန္တလေး)ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ – University of Dentistry (Mandalay) Student Union
သားဖွားသင်တန်းကျောင်း(မန္တလေး)ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ – Midwives Training School ( Mandalay) Student Union )
သူနာပြုတက္ကသိုလ်(မန္တလေး)ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ – Nursing University ( Mandalay ) Student Union
သူနာပြုသင်တန်းကျောင်း(မန္တလေး)ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ – Nursing Training School ( Mandalay ) Student Union
သူပုန်ဂေဇက် – The Rebel Gazette
အ.ထ.က (၇) ကျောင်းသူ၊ ကျောင်းသားဟောင်းများ သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း – No 7 State High School Alumni Strike Column
အ.လ.က (၁၂) ထခွဲ၊ အခြေခံပညာကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ (အ.က.သ) – Ah. La. Ka (12) Hta Khwe. Primary Education Student Union
အဖမ်းဆီးခံပြည်သူများ ကိုယ်စားပြုသပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း – Strike Column of Representatives of Arbitrarily Arrested People
အမျိုးသားဒီမိုကရေစီအဖွဲ့ချုပ် (မန္တလေးတိုင်းဒေသကြီး) – National League for Democracy (Mandalay Region )
အမျိုးသားယဉ်ကျေးမှုနှင့် အနုပညာတက္ကသိုလ်(မန္တလေး)ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ – National Culture and Arts University ( Mandalay ) Student Union
အလုပ်သမားသမဂ္ဂများအဖွဲ့ချုပ် – League of Labour Union
မန္တလေး ကဗျာဆရာများသမဂ္ဂ – (Mandalay Poets’ Union)
အောင်ပင်လယ် ပင်မသပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း – Aung Pin Lae Main Strike Column
အောင်မြေသာစံ ပညာရေးကျောင်းပေါင်းစုံ သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း – Aung Myay Thar Zan Education Schools Strike Column

Spring Revolution

Civil Society Position Paper on ASEAN’s Goal of a Myanmar-Owned and -Led SolutionDecember 18, 2024 - 12:11 pm
Recommendations to ASEAN and Its Member States (1) Move beyond the 5PC to achieve a Myanmar people-led and people-centered solution to the crisis in Myanmar. ASEAN’s “Myanmar-owned and -led” approach must be backed by genuine political will that aligns with and supports the collective aspirations of the people of Myanmar. (2) Cease all pressure on […]
The Airstrikes after the journey to the China of the Junta Military LeaderDecember 10, 2024 - 1:28 pm
Operation 1027 was a coordinated military attack against the junta on October 27th, 2023. It was carried out by the Northern Brotherhood, which includes the Arakan Army, Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, and the Ta’ang National Liberation Army. Several months later, the Three Brotherhood Alliance held three meetings to negotiate with China on January 11 […]
Human Rights Situation weekly update (September 15 to 21, 2024)September 27, 2024 - 8:26 am
Human Rights Violations took place in States and Regions from Sep 15 to 21, 2024 Military Junta Troop launched airstrikes and dropped bombs in Sagaing Region, Mandalay Region, Shan State, Chin State, Rakhine State, and Kachin State from September 15th to 21st. The Military Junta committed arresting, occupying the properties, threatening by using power, and […]

Multimedia

GenocideSeptember 2, 2025 - 9:42 am
Crimes Against HumanityJune 16, 2025 - 7:55 am
International Humanitarian Law Cartoon AnimatonApril 29, 2025 - 8:37 am
အတိတ်မှ ဆိုးရွားသည့် အကြီးအကျယ် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများ ထပ်မံမဖြစ်ပွားစေရေးအ တွက် အာမခံခြင်း (Guarantees of non-recurrence)February 10, 2025 - 9:58 am

ND Burma

ND-Burma formed in 2004 in order to provide a way for Burma human rights organizations to collaborate on the human rights documentation process. The 13 ND-Burma member organizations seek to collectively use the truth of what communities in Burma have endured to advocate for justice for victims. ND-Burma trains local organizations in human rights documentation; coordinates members’ input into a common database using Martus, a secure open-source software; and engages in joint-advocacy campaigns.

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ND Burma

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