AAPP and Burmese Women’s Union (2004) Women political prisoners in Burma

For the women who continue to struggle against the dictatorship Women Political Prisoners in Burma is a joint report of the Burmese Women’s Union (BWU) and the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma).

In the history of Burmese politics – during the colonial and post-independence eras, under Ne Win’s Burmese Socialist Program Party, and now under the current military regime – there has been no political movement in which women were not involved. Although Burmese society holds that politics is the realm of men, many women bravely and valiantly challenge that tradition and take part in the political journey alongside men. This can clearly be seen throughout Burma’s history.

Women’s participation is a must for a society to be developed and peaceful. Not only women, but all human beings are responsible for encouraging women’s participation in politics. Understanding this responsibility is important, especially for the State leaders who govern the country.

The regime in Burma sponsored a general election in 1990. Of 2296 candidates, 84 women ran for election. Although the percentage of female candidates was low, we must honor the political energy of women striving to become political players under the rule of a regime that cruelly cracks down on all activists. 15 women won seats in parliament in the election. They all have boldly faced imprisonment and different kinds of oppression on their family lives. The regime has refused to transfer power to the people’s elected representatives. Now, four of those 15 women have passed away.

In the current political movement, there are many female activists working with their own consciousness and commitment, together with male activists, to struggle against the regime’s repression and to restore democracy in Burma.

Download: Women Political Prisoners in Burma (720kb)

We have to give them so much that our stomach are empty of food

The Hidden Impact of Burma’s Arbitrary and Corrupt Taxation

Taxation Report

Taxation Report

Governments require resources to provide goods and services, such as health care, education, roads, bridges, electricity, water and sanitation.

The majority of government revenue is typically raised by; taxing people and their businesses, charging fees for services supplied by a government, aid funds and revenue from the country’s natural resources.  People all over the world are dissatisfied and complain about the taxes they are obliged to pay.

However, as this report shows, the taxation that occurs in Burma is of such an arbitrary, corrupt nature and negatively affects Burma’s economy and its people’s livelihood on such a level, that it is grossly and systematically impacting on their human rights.

The military has transformed taxation from a routine and legitimate function of government into extortion and a tool of repression.

This destructive taxation system, with its lack of basic public provisions, has crushed the people’s capacity to stand up against the state of Burma as their need to focus on survival prevails.

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The Hidden Impact of Burma’s Arbitrary & Corrupt Taxation

“The combination of land confiscation, forced labour and tax extortion makes life difficult for the villagers of Wae Won and Wae Taw. They face a scarcity of land, and are unable to tend to their $elds because they must work for the battalions. They cannot afford to pay taxes or fees to the authorities or army. When these problems became severe, many villagers abandon their native villages and &ee to other areas.”

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“We have to give them so much that our stomachs are empty of food” The hidden impact of Burma’s arbitrary & corrupt taxation

Ttaxation Report

The Network for Human Rights Documentation – Burma (ND-Burma) a cross ethnic network, was formed in 2003 to provide a way for Burma human rights organizations to collaborate on the human rights documentation process. The 13 ND-Burma member organizations, from different areas across Burma, seek to collectively use the truth of what communities in Burma have endured to challenge the regime’s power through present-day advocacy as well as prepare for justice and accountability measures in a potential transition.

ND-Burma collectively has over 2,000 entries in its database and has developed a strong track record on training human rights data collectors. The network has chosen arbitrary taxation for the subject of our first report. This may seem an unusual choice, given the dramatic and severe civil and political human rights violations that also deserve attention. Indeed, ND-Burma’s database contains stories of arbitrary arrest and detention, killings, recruitment and use of child soldiers, and many other categories of human rights violations. So, why taxation?

In early 2007, we asked ourselves what issue was affecting people in all of our communities – rural and urban, majority and minority ethnic communities, male and female. We also asked ourselves what issue was having a large impact on our communities but was not well represented in the record of human rights violations that we and others were developing. None of us expected at the beginning of the exercise that we would end up focusing on taxation and its corruption.

Around the same time, the ’88 Generation Students conducted its “Open Hearts Letter Campaign,” encouraging people to write letters expressing their daily sufferings in relation to political, economic, and social affairs. The group received over 2,500 letters, and over 50% of them identified “sufferings relating to costs of living, business, education and health.”1 ND-Burma’s research came to a similar conclusion. People in Burma are forced to hand over large proportions of their income and property in official and unofficial taxes and this happens so often for each family, that it makes basic survival extremely hard. We wanted to highlight how the arbitrary and repressive nature of these taxes has a massive impact on every aspect of people’s lives. Taxation in Burma effects people’s livelihood and quality of life but also becomes all-consuming as families desperately try to find the money and other resources to pay these taxes and in finding ways to cope with the devastating effect it has on their already dismal income. People consequently have little time to be concerned with their rights, as day to day survival under this taxation system has become a priority.

The ’88 Generation Students findings, and ND-Burma’s recognition in 2007 that economic pressure was a major source of suffering, were prescient. Later that year, a fuel-price hike sent a ripple effect through the economy, suddenly making it impossible for day labourers to afford the transportation to take them to their jobs. When the ’88 Generation Students leaders were jailed for organizing demonstrations, Buddhist monks dramatically took on the leadership role, calling for economic reform and tying the dismal state of the economy to the need for political reconciliation.

We do not expect that people’s lives will improve after the elections planned for 2010. The military is poised to maintain control over the political life of the country. Its plan to transform the armed opposition groups into a Border Guard Force and various militias will maintain the militarization of Burmese society – a system largely paid for through arbitrary taxation, as this report demonstrates. People’s livelihoods will improve only when genuine political reform takes place and democratic systems are developed that give people recourse when their property is taken from them unfairly, when extortion is brought under control, and people’s representatives are chosen freely and fairly and then are answerable to their communities.

The system of taxation and extortion impacts on the people of Burma’s basic human rights by violating their right to an adequate standard of living, right to development, property rights, right to education and in the forced labour they are subjected to. The report aims to inform the international community about these practices committed by the regime and the immense negative impact it creates on the people of Burma. It also urges accountability and change.

ND-Burma Management Board 2010

1 ’88 Generation Students. 2008. The findings in the open heart letter campaign in January 2007. Available at: http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs6/OpenHeart-Publication.pdf.

AAPP (2010) 10 Years On

Moe Aye was born in Mandalay in 1964 and was a student at the Rangoon Institute of Technology throughout the 1988 pro-democracy uprising. During the uprising he joined the All Burma Federation of Student Union (ABFSU). He later joined the youth wing of the National League for Democracy (NLD), becoming in-charge of information in Botahtaung Township. On the morning of August 9, 1988, the army shot at him while he was demonstrating nears the Shwe Dagon Pagoda in Rangoon.

He was arrested by Military Intelligence on November 7, 1990. Moe Aye was charged under Section 5(j) of the 1050 Emergency Provision Act and was sentenced to seven years imprisonment with hard labour. At the time of his arrest, he was working for the ABFSU and was also carrying out duties for the NLD youth.

While in Insein Special Prison Moe Aye met Mr.James Leander Nichols and learned how the honorary consul to four Scandinavian countries was being questioned and beaten by November 22, 1996, and due to the harsh condition in prison he had to seek intensive medical treatment. Some six months later Moe Aye left for Thailand and is now living there. He is a regular correspondent for Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), a radio station based in Oslo, and has articles regularly published in The Nation, a daily newspaper in Thailand.

Download: Ten Years On (315kb)

AAPP (2010) The Role of Political Prisoners in the National Reconciliation Process

NATIONAL RECONCILIATION AND POLITICAL PRISONERS

A genuine, inclusive process of national reconciliation is urgently needed to resolve the current conflicts and make progress towards peace and democracy. Political prisoners represent the struggle for democracy, human rights, equality and self-determination. A crucial first step in a
national reconciliation process is official recognition of ALL Burma’s 2,100 plus political prisoners, accompanied by their unconditional release. This is an essential part of trust-building between the military rulers, democratic forces, and wider society. In order for progress towards genuine national reconciliation and democratic transition to be sustainable, ordinary people across Burma must believe in the process. While activists remain in prison or continue to be arrested for voicing their political dissent, the people of Burma will have no trust in any political process proposed by the SPDC. There can be no national reconciliation or democratic transition in Burma, as long as there are political prisoners.
A brief history since 1947