ND Burma
ND-Burma formed in 2004 in order to provide a way for Burma human rights organizations to collaborate on the human rights documentation process. The 13 ND-Burma member organizations seek to collectively use the truth of what communities in Burma have endured to advocate for justice for victims. ND-Burma trains local organizations in human rights documentation; coordinates members’ input into a common database using Martus, a secure open-source software; and engages in joint-advocacy campaigns.
Recent Posts
- On International Women’s Day, the Network for Human RightsDocumentation – Burma Calls for the Recognition of Women’s Contributions to the Pro-Democracy Movement
- INTERVIEW: Why an Argentine court filed a warrant for Aung San Suu Kyi’s arrest
- Myanmar junta bombs rebel wedding, at least 10 killed
- Press Statement: Argentine Court’s arrest warrants are welcome progress towards justice
- OPEN LETTER: UN HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL MUST TAKE CONCRETE ACTION TO SUPPORT THE MYANMAR PEOPLE’S EFFORTS TO BUILD A RIGHTS-PROTECTING FUTURE
On International Women’s Day, the Network for Human RightsDocumentation – Burma Calls for the Recognition of Women’s Contributions to the Pro-Democracy Movement
/in Press Releases and StatementsOn International Women’s Day, the Network for Human Rights
Documentation – Burma Calls for the Recognition of Women’s Contributions to the Pro-Democracy Movement
8 March 2025
For Immediate Release
On International Women’s Day, the Network for Human Rights Documentation – Burma (ND-Burma) calls for the international community to recognize the resilience of women in the country’s democratic movement and to honour their commitments. For decades, a culture steeped in patriarchy has discriminated against women. Yet, they have consistently sought to challenge misogyny and ensure their voices are heard. ND-Burma condemns all forms of violence against women and girls and urges their participation in these revolutionary times to be acknowledged and encouraged.
Since the attempted coup on 1 February 2021, women’s rights have been under increased attack. The junta has sought to aggressively silence the calls of women of all generations through physical and verbal threats. Women and young girls have been unjustly arrested, detained and even killed for their activism. Their consistent and unwavering courage is evidence of their refusal to stand down in the wake of the military’s brutality.
With millions forcibly displayed across Burma, women-led organizations, including several ND-Burma members, have filled critical gaps in providing life-saving humanitarian assistance and leading awareness-raising sessions. By sharing knowledge about women’s rights with conflict-affected communities, they are empowered through access to information.
With all forms of violence on the rise, women’s organizations have not only provided pathways to safety through safe houses and counselling but have also upheld the dignity of survivors. Moreover, communities across the country struggle with the lack of accessible health care and educational opportunities; nevertheless, women increasingly take on these roles as teachers, nurses, and doctors to ensure that children and those with illnesses still have access to necessary services.
Women human rights defenders have consistently demonstrated the skills, leadership, and competencies needed to be on the frontlines of Burma’s pursuit for a federal democracy. They’ve taken on various roles and transcended gender norms and expectations by joining the frontlines of the armed resistance movement as soldiers, medics, and fundraisers. Despite the immense risk to their safety, they have also used their platforms to call for accountability for the junta’s war crimes and crimes against humanity.
Further, ND-Burma calls upon all actors in the pro-democracy movement, including those involved in local governance and the National Unity Government, to recognize the pursuit for federalism and gender equality simultaneously. The international community must stand with women and advocate for protecting and promoting their rights and freedoms in Burma. In accordance with United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR), women must be involved in the future of Burma’s political landscape.
Women must be supported and fiercely encouraged as they continue to challenge the status quo.
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ND-Burma was formed in 2004 to facilitate collaboration among Burmese human rights organizations on the human rights documentation process. The 13 ND-Burma member organizations seek to use the truth about what communities in Burma have endured to advocate for justice for victims.
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INTERVIEW: Why an Argentine court filed a warrant for Aung San Suu Kyi’s arrest
/in NewsFormer UN rights rapporteur explains court must remain impartial in lawsuit that accuses Myanmar of Rohingya genocide.
Tomas Ojea Quintana is a human rights lawyer who served as U.N. special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar between 2008 and 2014.
He represents the Burmese Rohingya Organization U.K., which filed a case in an Argentine court in 2019 that allege genocide and crimes against humanity were committed by senior Myanmar military officials against Rohingya Muslims.
Last week, Quintana told RFA that the Argentinian court had issued an arrest warrant for those named in the suit, including the de facto leader of the democratically-elected government, Aung San Suu Kyi.
She was deposed when the military took over the country in a 2021 coup and is believed to be under house arrest but the junta has not disclosed her exact location.
The Argentine suit was filed under the principle of “universal jurisdiction” enshrined in Argentina’s constitution, which holds that some crimes are so heinous that alleged perpetrators thousands of miles away can be tried.
Members of the deposed civilian government are named in the suit because they were in charge of the government in 2017, and Aung San Suu Kyi defended the military’s actions in 2019 to the International Court of Justice in The Hague, the Netherlands.
Members of Myanmar’s shadow National Unity Government, made up of other leaders deposed by the coup and their allies, have requested that Suu Kyi and other civilian leaders be removed from the arrest warrant because the Rohingya could be unfairly blamed for adding a blemish to the reputation of Myanmar’s most popular political figure. But Quintana said the court decided that she and the others must be included to show that the court is impartial.
The interview has been edited for length and clarity.
RFA: In our interview last year, you predicted that the Argentinian court would issue an arrest warrant for Aung San Suu Kyi and the others. Now, it has been realized. How significant do you think this warrant is for the Rohingya?
Quintana: We predicted that the Argentinian court would issue a warrant because we have been working very hard bringing evidence to the file in Argentina, bringing witnesses in person to give testimony, survivors to give testimony, to the court. And finally, the court understood what was at stake, which is the genocide against the Rohingya people.
And that’s why, after a request from the prosecutor and also a request from the Rohingya themselves, the court decided to issue this arrest warrant against 25 individuals.
And you are asking me how significant this is. I would say that we should ask the Rohingya community how they feel about it. My thought is that the Rohingya really welcome this decision because basically this decision recognizes the truth about the genocide committed in Burma in 2017.
It is the first step towards justice, in identifying the perpetrator and issuing international warrants to bring them to Buenos Aires, Argentina, to be accountable to the Argentinian court. This is a first step and I think is very significant, not only for the Rohingya but also for the overall Burmese community and for the other ethnic minorities. Because all of them have been facing and suffering decades of human rights abuses by the military in Myanmar.
RFA: The arrest warrant from Argentinian court includes Aung San Suu Kyi and former President Htin Kyaw. In this regard, the Rohingya activists who have filed the lawsuit told RFA that they included the civilian leaders’ names in the original filing in 2019. But after the military coup in 2021, they reviewed the decision. And in December 2023, they requested that the court exclude their names from the arrest warrant. But it still included their names when it was release. Can you tell me what happened?
Quintana: I would be very transparent in what the position of Burmese Rohingya Organization U.K. is and what my position is as their attorney. In fact, in the 2019 complaint, the Burmese Refugee Organization U.K. decided to describe what happened in Burma for decades and in particular in 2017, naming all those who might have been responsible, and that would include those who executed orders and issued the orders.
I’m talking about the military, but also all others who have had some level of responsibility. I’m talking about civilians and any leaders and so on and so forth.
We have been working with the court here in Argentina, providing evidence about the responsibility of the military. And that’s why … we made a request to the court of arrest warrants. We included the military because we understood that, due to the coup in Burma in 2021,… Aung San Suu Kyi has been persecuted by the military.
I should say that I met her in Burma three times in different circumstances. I know Aung San Suu Kyi.
Now while we are talking, she’s incarcerated. We thought that it was convenient in this first stage of the procedure in Argentina, the judicial procedure to target the military while they are still in power in Burma. Now, the court decided otherwise here.
Bear in mind how Aung San Suu Kyi reacted in 2017. Bear in mind that in 2017, the government officially was a civilian government, regardless of the lack of direct control that the civilian government had over the military….
Bear in mind that even during that time, in 2016 and 2017, the Rohingya continued to face this grave and systematic discrimination, restricting access to basic livelihoods, access to food and health, etc. Finally bearing in mind what Aung San Suu Kyi said before the International Court of Justice during the proceedings (in 2019) where she defended the military and the ethnic cleansing operations.
All these reasons made the court decide to include her in the list of arrest warrants. The 25 listed warrants therefore include Aung San Suu Kyi.
RFA: The National Unity Government called for removal of the civilian leader’s names from the arrest warrant list. What would be your response?
Quintana: Frankly speaking, what we have been receiving is support in general, from not only ethnic groups, but also Burmese people about these arrest warrants.
I can recall one of those messages where they say that if the court would exclude Aung San Suu Kyi from the arrest warrant, that will send the wrong message to the outside world about the lack of impartiality of the Argentinian court.
So, in general, the messages support the list of warrants. We know that others, and especially the NUG has made some observations about her being included in the warrant and even suggesting to exclude her. But that’s out of our hands. This is a decision of the jurisdiction. The court is an independent, impartial court that will respect basic rights of defendants.
Everyone will have the right to defend themselves here with an attorney, and it’s out of our hands to take her out of the list. We tried that before the warrants were issued as I said before.
We met the court, and we explained to the court the risk that the Rohingya may face if Aung San Suu Kyi is included in the list because the Rohingya may be blamed for her being included in the list. But the court decided they want to keep in mind the whole picture and the history of the facts.
RFA: By being included in the arrest warrant list, does it mean that the civilian leaders should have the same level of responsibility (as the military) for the crimes committed against the Rohingya?
Quintana: The criminal process here is just starting. This is a first step to issue arrest warrants. And then the court will determine the nature and the kind of responsibility that each of the perpetrators have. In our view, there is a clear distinction between the responsibility of the military who planned and ordered the ethnic cleansing operations and committed the crimes on the ground, killing Rohingyas, raping women, burning down villages and so on and so forth.
The responsibility of the civilian government is different, and it will be for the court to determine what is the level of complicity of the civilian authorities with this genocide.
RFA: Learning from the past, lawsuits filed under the universal jurisdiction do not go very far to the point of actual arrest, extradition, or conviction and sentencing. How far do you think this case will go?
Quintana: The lawsuit should go as far as it can because the Rohingya are pursuing justice. And justice means to have a public trial where the victims can express their grievances. And then the court will issue a sentence that could be a conviction.
Look, when the case was filed in 2019. Most people were reluctant, were pessimistic about the challenge of bringing a universal jurisdiction case in Argentina. I remember very well that it was 2019. People were saying “What were you aiming at? I mean, nothing will happen.” And the reality is that throughout these years, a lot of things have been achieved.
First, empowerment of the Rohingya people and the notion that they deserve justice and they can do action to achieve justice. And now we have an arrest warrant, an international arrest warrant. Very soon it will go to Interpol. So this international organization will get involved, and we will work hard with all partners.
Basically we encourage the international community, and all members of the United Nations. The United Nations has been passing resolutions for many years condemning the crimes of the military, condemning the genocide of the Rohingya.
Now, this is the time for all of those countries to basically respond to that commitment and to take action. So we’ll see how the developments go. We’ll see what will happen with these perpetrators. The military should immediately release Aung San Suu Kyi so she can start working on her defense for the case here.
So we urge the military to release Aung San Suu Kyi from prison so she can respond to the Argentinian court. There are a lot of challenges, of course, and obstacles, but they also a lot of opportunities. We are raising the bar of commitment towards accountability. In this turmoil(-filled) world, where everything is under question, it is very important to have this arrest warrant, because it’s a reaffirmation of what we believe is important, which is respect and protection of human rights.
RFA News
Myanmar junta bombs rebel wedding, at least 10 killed
/in NewsMyanmar’s air force bombed a wedding party for two pro-democracy fighters on Tuesday, killing at least 10 people, members of the anti-junta force in the Magway region told Radio Free Asia.
It was not immediately clear if the bride and groom, both members of an insurgent People’s Defense Force, or PDF, in Myaing township were among the casualties, they said.
“They bombed the PDF wedding. They did it during refreshments in the monastery. It was a direct hit,” said one resident of Son Kone village where the attack occurred in the mid-morning.
“The jet flew around there twice. There are many casualties and injuries,” said the resident, who declined to be identified for security reasons.
Another resident, who also requested not to be named, told RFA that most of the dead were villagers “who were cooking for the wedding party.”
“The bride and groom were acquainted with the locals, and they were helping in refreshment. So, most of the victims were these locals who helped cook for their wedding. We are still looking for the injured.”
Other residents said the air force “dropped 500-pound bombs twice” in the area, and that the attacks “targeted oil fields” in Son Kone.
RFA called Magway region’s junta spokesperson, Myo Myint, for information on the attack but he did not respond by the time of publication.
However, pro-military accounts on the Telegram messaging app said that an attack had been launched on the wedding party and there were many casualties.
Attack on the heartland
Son Kone is about 140 kilometers (90 miles) southwest of the city of Mandalay, in a central heartland area that has seen a surge of violence since the military ousted an elected government in 2021.
Anti-junta activists from the majority Burman community have formed PDFs, which are loyal to the parallel National Unity Government in exile, to battle to end military rule in alliance with ethnic minority insurgent groups, some of which have been fighting for self-determination for generations.
The jet that attacked the wedding took off from the Meiktila Air Base, about 140 kilometers to the southeast, in neighboring Mandalay region, said a member of the Myaing PDF, of which both the bride and groom were soldiers.
“The monastery is destroyed,” said the PDF member, who declined to be identified for security reasons. “About 10 people have been killed and there are a lot of wounded.”
At least 1,000 residents of Son Kone and the nearby villages of Kyet Su Aint and Na That fled to safety during the attack, sources told RFA.
A military helicopter was circling the area in the afternoon and villagers had yet to return to identify those killed, they said.
Some 20,000 civilians fled from their homes in Magway’s Pwintbyu township, to the south of Myaing, early this month during days of heavy fighting between rebels and junta troops, residents said.
According to data compiled by RFA, 1,769 were killed nationwide in 2024 by junta airstrikes and heavy artillery.
RFA News
Press Statement: Argentine Court’s arrest warrants are welcome progress towards justice
/in Member statements25 February 2025
On 13 February 2025, a Federal Criminal Court in Argentina ordered arrest warrants for 25 Myanmar military leaders and civilian government officials, including junta chief Min Aung Hlaing, former President U Htin Kyaw, and State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. We, Progressive Voice, welcome the Court’s decision.
We understand that the Court’s decision is a part of its ongoing investigation into genocide and crimes against humanity committed against the Rohingya in Myanmar from 2012 to 2018. We welcome this impartial and independent decision, which marks a critical moment in the long and challenging pursuit of justice for the Rohingya: This is the first time that arrest warrants have been ordered in relation to the Myanmar military’s genocide against the Rohingya in 2017.
Further, we understand that these arrest warrants are not determinative of guilt or responsibility for these international crimes, but instead aim to summon the 25 named individuals to testify before the Court as part of its investigation. We believe these individuals will be treated in accordance with standards of international justice, including the affordance of due process and the opportunity to present evidence in their defense.
We firmly believe that impartiality is fundamental to achieve justice and accountability, not only for the Rohingya but for all people of Myanmar. We call on the Argentine government to request Interpol to issue Red Notices for the 25 named individuals to initiate their extradition to Argentina.
For more information, please contact:
Khin Ohmar, Chairperson, Progressive Voice; info@progressive-voice.org
OPEN LETTER: UN HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL MUST TAKE CONCRETE ACTION TO SUPPORT THE MYANMAR PEOPLE’S EFFORTS TO BUILD A RIGHTS-PROTECTING FUTURE
/in Press Releases and StatementsTo: Member and Observer States of the UN Human Rights Council
CC: UN High Commissioner for Human Rights
UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar
20 February 2025
Open letter: UN Human Rights Council must take concrete action to support the Myanmar people’s efforts to build a rights-protecting future
Your Excellencies,
We—the undersigned 121 Myanmar, regional, and international civil society organizations (CSOs)—call on the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) to adopt a meaningful and robust resolution, during the UNHRC’s 58th regular session, that protects the human rights of the Myanmar people, supports their ongoing efforts to build federal democracy, impedes the military junta’s capacity to conduct airstrikes and other atrocities across the country, and advances accountability through all possible avenues.
We welcome the UNHRC resolution adopted on 4 April 2024, which recognizes the junta’s escalating violence against civilians and its increasing violations of international law. We further welcome that the crisis in Myanmar remains high on the Council’s agenda. We recognize, nonetheless, that the resolution falls short in adequately addressing the extreme severity of the human rights and humanitarian crisis in Myanmar—now in its fifth year.
Of utmost concern is the Myanmar military junta’s reported plan to hold an election this year or next year—in spite of the absence of any legitimacy or legal basis to do so, as well as its lack of effective control of Myanmar’s territory. This sham election represents the junta’s exit strategy from its failed coup, aimed to silence the people’s will for federal democracy, claim power, and once again legitimize and normalize military tyranny in Myanmar. The junta has already begun deploying its violence against civilians in order to hold its sham election—by, for example, using armed personnel to intimidate civilians into participating in its sham census last year. The UNHRC must unequivocally reject the junta’s plans for this sham election. The Council must put a spotlight on and take steps to prevent the deployment of violence and other coercive tactics used to force people into participating in this farcical exercise.
Today, the people of Myanmar—through the National Unity Government (NUG), the National Unity Consultative Council, and federal units including ethnic councils—are building federal democracy from the ground up, including by establishing local government administrations; developing policies on transitional justice, gender equality, and minority rights; and providing public services, including healthcare and education. These efforts are all in pursuit of an inclusive and peaceful Myanmar where protection of human rights and access to justice are a reality for all people and all communities. We urge the UNHRC to demonstrate its recognition of and support for the Myanmar people’s tireless efforts and immeasurable sacrifices to build inclusive federal democracy in the face of the military junta’s relentless violence. We further urge the UNHRC to recognize and support the efforts of the NUG, as the legitimate interim government of Myanmar, together with the people of Myanmar to establish inclusive federal democracy in the country.
For the past four years, the military junta has deliberately carried out widespread and systematic atrocities, including, but not limited to, airstrikes, extrajudicial killings, massacres, sexual and gender-based violence, arson attacks, mass arbitrary arrests, and torture against civilians throughout Myanmar. Since its failed coup attempt, the junta has arbitrarily arrested at least 28,600 people; killed more than 6,200, including more than 2,200 by airstrikes; and committed more than 310 massacres. According to the UN, more than 3.5 million people are internally displaced as of 17 February 2025. Since the coup attempt, an estimated 142,800 people have fled from Myanmar to other countries in the Asia-Pacific region as of 31 December 2024. These statistics are most likely a gross underestimation of the true magnitude of displacement.
Over the last two years in particular, the junta has escalated its airstrikes on civilian communities and infrastructure, bombing internally displaced person (IDP) camps, schools, hospitals and other medical facilities, and places of worship and other religious sites. In 2024, the junta conducted 2,504 airstrikes—averaging nearly seven airstrikes per day, and representing a nearly 104% increase compared to its total airstrikes in 2023. On 31 December 2024, the junta launched two airstrikes on an IDP camp in Loikaw Township, Karenni State, killing multiple civilians, including women and children. Over the last two months, the junta has begun using paramotors to attack and killcivilians, targeting their villages and homes—resulting in more than a dozen deaths since December 2024.
In this context, we welcome the UNHRC’s rightful recognition, in last year’s resolution, of the serious human rights and humanitarian implications of the junta’s airstrikes and other atrocity crimes. However, as the junta continues to increase its aerial attacks on civilians with complete impunity, we strongly urge the UNHRC to call for a comprehensive global arms embargo and targeted sanctions on aviation fuel as a necessary step to save lives in Myanmar. The reality remains that any transfer, sale, or diversion of arms, munitions, aviation fuel, and other military equipment to the junta is aiding and abetting its war crimes, crimes against humanity, and other crimes under international law. With Myanmar people’s lives in increasing danger, we have repeatedly called for the international community to sanction the supply of aviation fuel for military purposes and impose a global arms embargo in order to diminish the military junta’s capacity to bomb civilian communities nationwide. It is incredibly disheartening that our calls continue to go unheeded, with media reports indicating that Russia and China have supplied the Myanmar military with combatant drones over the past year.
We further welcome the UNHRC’s continued emphasis on regular monitoring and reporting on the situation in Myanmar, including by the High Commissioner’s forthcoming report on “pathways to fulfil the people of Myanmar’s aspirations for human rights protection, accountability, democracy and a civilian government,” as well as the continuing mandate of the Special Rapporteur. These are essential to keeping the situation in Myanmar in the international spotlight and urging the international community to take more concrete action.
Nevertheless, the need remains for the Council to strengthen efforts to ensure justice and accountability without further delay. With the utmost urgency, the UNHRC must lead the call for the referral of the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court (ICC) or the establishment of a criminal prosecutorial body on Myanmar by the UN General Assembly or the UN Security Council. Furthermore, we urge the Council to welcome the declaration submitted by the NUG in 2022 under Article 12(3) of the Rome Statute at the ICC accepting the Court’s jurisdiction over international crimes committed in Myanmar since 1 July 2002.
We further urge the UNHRC to call for UN Member States, agencies, and mechanisms to provide financial, political, and technical support for ongoing universal jurisdiction efforts, including in Argentina. We also call on Member States, in particular States Parties to the Rome Statute, to take concrete action to advance justice and accountability by referring the crisis in Myanmar to the ICC under Article 14 of the Rome Statute, as called for by the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar.
In a critical step towards accountability and objective documentation of the situation in Myanmar, the Global Alliance of National Human Rights Institutions (GANHRI) removed the accreditation status of the junta-controlled Myanmar National Human Rights Commission (MNHRC) from its global human rights network as of 31 December 2024. The MNHRC’s removal—which follows almost four years of consistent efforts by local, regional, and international civil society—reflects its complicity in the junta’s widespread and systematic human rights violations, in blatant non-compliance with the Paris Principles. We call on the UNHRC to recognize GANHRI’s decision regarding the MNHRC as a significant development towards a rights-protecting future in Myanmar.
We remain disappointed and alarmed by the UN’s deference to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), including its failed Five-Point Consensus (5PC), as a realistic pathway to addressing the crisis in Myanmar. ASEAN’s misguided reliance on the failed 5PC, despite the junta’s blatant disregard thereof, only emboldens the junta to continue its violence against the Myanmar people—eroding any confidence in ASEAN to stop the junta’s campaign of terror, protect human rights, provide humanitarian aid, and save lives. ASEAN’s ongoing engagement with and support for the junta has also allowed the proliferation of transnational organized crime within and across Myanmar’s borders, threatening the security and stability of the region and putting people around the world at risk. The UN can no longer hide behind ASEAN as a substitute for taking direct, concrete action to protect the Myanmar people. The UNHRC must strongly recommend and assist ASEAN to move beyond the 5PC in order to achieve a Myanmar people-led and people-centered solution to the crisis.
The UNHRC must fully support the Myanmar people’s efforts in laying the foundations of bottom-up federal democracy and their “aspirations for human rights protection, inclusivity, accountability, democracy and a civilian government.” We call for increased international support for justice initiatives, including for the Council to seek all possibilities for the establishment of a special tribunal to prosecute crimes committed in Myanmar.
For further information, please contact:
Signed by 121 civil society organizations, including two organizations that have chosen not to disclose their names:
Download PDF in English I Burmese.
Human rights and transitional justice
/in Other Human Rights ReportsReport of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for
Human Rights*
In the present report, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human
Rights (OHCHR) identifies examples of good practices and lessons learned related to
transitional justice processes in the context of sustaining peace and sustainable development,
notably Sustainable Development Goal 16, drawn from regional consultations and research
carried out pursuant to Human Rights Council resolution 51/23. The examples of good
practices are victim-centred, inclusive, gender-responsive and innovative, and contribute to
an early, tangible or transformational impact on victims and affected communities. Many
have been developed by victims’ associations and grass-roots organizations, notably those
led by women, and contribute to the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals.
The objective of the report is to convey the good practices presented during the
regional meetings, which are particularly applicable in challenging and adverse contexts in
which preconditions for transitional justice are absent. In those contexts, a series of initiatives
can lay the ground for future transitional justice processes and harness their transformative
potential for peace and development.
Based on the good practices and lessons learned, the report contains
recommendations, including to maximize the impact and ensure the sustainability of good
practices through their expansion, the adoption of similar measures and the provision of
dedicated support and complementary measures, as part of a holistic approach to transitional
justice that promotes truth, justice, reparation and guarantees of non-recurrence.