ND Burma
ND-Burma formed in 2004 in order to provide a way for Burma human rights organizations to collaborate on the human rights documentation process. The 13 ND-Burma member organizations seek to collectively use the truth of what communities in Burma have endured to advocate for justice for victims. ND-Burma trains local organizations in human rights documentation; coordinates members’ input into a common database using Martus, a secure open-source software; and engages in joint-advocacy campaigns.
Recent Posts
- On International Women’s Day, the Network for Human RightsDocumentation – Burma Calls for the Recognition of Women’s Contributions to the Pro-Democracy Movement
- INTERVIEW: Why an Argentine court filed a warrant for Aung San Suu Kyi’s arrest
- Myanmar junta bombs rebel wedding, at least 10 killed
- Press Statement: Argentine Court’s arrest warrants are welcome progress towards justice
- OPEN LETTER: UN HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL MUST TAKE CONCRETE ACTION TO SUPPORT THE MYANMAR PEOPLE’S EFFORTS TO BUILD A RIGHTS-PROTECTING FUTURE
Myanmar: 3 million in need of humanitarian aid, ‘world is watching’ UN relief chief warns generals
/in News“The humanitarian situation in Myanmar is deteriorating”, Martin Griffiths said in a statement, adding that “without an end to violence and a peaceful resolution of Myanmar’s crisis, this number will only rise”.
Growing displacement
Since a military takeover on 1 February ousted the democratically elected Government, hundreds of thousands of people have been forced to flee their homes due to violent crackdowns across the country.
At the same time, 223,000 Burmese remain internally displaced, including 165,000 in the country’s southeast – adding to those already displaced in Rakhine, Chin, Shan and Kachin states prior to the takeover.
“Long-term displacement remains unresolved, with 144,000 Rohingya people still confined to camps and camp-like settings in Rakhine, many since their displacement in 2012, and more than 105,000 people displaced in Kachin and Shan, many for years”, said the humanitarian affairs chief.
“I am also increasingly concerned about reports of rising levels of food insecurity in and around urban areas, including in Yangon and Mandalay.”
Hostilities escalating
In recent weeks, Mr. Griffiths noted that the situation in the northwest has become “extremely concerning”, with an escalation in hostilities between the Myanmar Armed Forces, the Chinland Defence Force in Chin state and the People’s Defence Forces in Magway and Sagaing regions.
“More than 37,000 people, including women and children, have been newly displaced, and more than 160 homes have been burned, including churches and the offices of a humanitarian organization”, he detailed.
Support humanitarian efforts
Underscoring that attacks directed against civilians and civilian infrastructure, including humanitarian workers and facilities, are “clearly prohibited under international humanitarian law”, he stressed that they must “stop immediately”.
Humanitarian workers have reached more than 1.67 million people in Myanmar with food, cash and nutrition assistance this year alone and although they are ready to do more, remain barred from access and extra funding is proving hard to come by.
“Access to many people in desperate need across the country remains extremely limited due to bureaucratic impediments put in place by the armed forces”, Mr. Griffiths explained.
He called on the Myanmar armed forces and all parties to “facilitate safe, rapid and unimpeded humanitarian access” and on the international community to “fund the response”.
Secure dignity
Less than half of the $385 million required under the Humanitarian Response Plan and Interim Emergency Response Plan launched after the armed forces’ takeover has been received.
“The people of Myanmar need our help to ensure that their basic rights are upheld and they can live with dignity”, said the Emergency Relief Coordinator.
Urging all parties to “fully respect their obligations” under international humanitarian and human rights law to protect civilians and allow humanitarian assistance to be provided, including to those being forced to flee violence, Mr. Griffiths spelled out: “The world is watching”.
Restore democracy
Meanwhile, marking one year since the people of Myanmar voted in by a landslide, Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy party, independent UN Special Rapporteur, Tom Andrews, described the election as having been “stolen by a junta systematically violating rights”.
To help end the crisis, he urged the Security Council’s closed-door discussion on Monday to dramatically increase aid and cut “junta access to revenue and weapons”.
Mr. Andrews and all Special Rapporteurs are appointed by the Geneva-based UN Human Rights Council to examine and report back on a specific human rights theme or a country situation. He holds an honorary position and is not paid for his work.
UN News
Myanmar’s Military Regime Has Weaponized Public Health
/in NewsSince the military overthrew the civilian government in Myanmar in February 2021, the situation in the country has continued to deteriorate and people live in a state of terror that deeply affects their right to health, as well as many other human rights. At the time of writing, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners rights group has reported that more than 9,800 people have been arrested and over 1,200 people killed since the first reported fatality, Mya Thwet Thwet Khine, a 19-year-old woman shot dead by a sniper at a rally near the city of Naypyitaw in February 2021.
Nine months of resistance is taking a toll on society, with many people reporting feelings of anger, anxiety and helplessness, and the young despairing over their lost future. Affected families are overwhelmed by the loss of relatives to disease and violence. Insomnia, depression and suicide are on the rise in this context of indiscriminate violent repression.
Healthcare professionals have not remained neutral. They were among the first to join the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), going on strike to pressure the junta to return power to the elected government for the well-being of the country and its people. The military regime responded by announcing that they would revoke permission to provide services from any health facility employing or supporting health workers involved in the CDM, and would prosecute anyone helping those on strike.
Violent repression of public health professionals involved in the anti-coup resistance movement is but one of the ways in which the junta has weaponized public health in order to crush the civilian opposition, regardless of the wider public health, human and social costs of pursuing this strategy. The military has arrested and detained doctors and nurses simply for treating civilians who had been injured in anti-coup protests.
In their strong condemnation of the junta’s action, the World Medical Association stated that, “the violence of the security forces is intolerable. Private clinics, medical personnel carrying out emergency treatment and ambulances have been shot at without any reason. We have reports of doctors being arrested and others fleeing from their homes to hide from the military regime.” These reports have been confirmed by the Myanmar Doctors for Human Rights Network and corroborated by the World Health Organization’s (WHO) Surveillance System for Attacks on Health Care, which now considers Myanmar one of the deadliest places on earth for healthcare workers, with 260 documented attacks this year alone, accounting for nearly 40 per cent of the global total.
This has happened in the context of a catastrophic third wave of COVID-19 that peaked in July 2021, with the population and volunteer medics having to fend for themselves to find oxygen and treatment places amidst attacks. The increasing number of people arrested by the junta has worsened prison overcrowding, thus compounding the risks of transmission of COVID-19, and there is a lack of information about what treatment, if any, prisoners may have received, especially political prisoners. Released detainees told Human Rights Watch that masks were often not available and sanitary conditions were abysmal.
People stand by the side of the health professionals since they all share the same motivation of seeing the coup fail as soon as possible. Many people do not trust the military and refrain from seeking healthcare for fear of being targeted. This even when concerned that they might have been exposed to COVID-19 infection or would wish to get vaccinated.
While doctors and nurses continue to assist people outside of government structures at great risk, the junta has accused them of genocide for leaving their jobs. But who is committing atrocities? The violence of the junta has spared no-one, not even children, and during the first two months alone after the coup at least 43 were reportedly killed by regime forces. Sexual assault is also rife. In a country where the military is known to use rape as a tool of war against ethnic minorities, women who are bravely standing in the frontline of protests have been exposed to sexual violence, especially when in custody. LGBTI activists involved in the resistance movement have also suffered the same violent fate and experienced humiliation compounded by entrenched prejudice.
Restoration of health and wellbeing requires a strong condemnation of the junta for the appalling violations of basic human dignity that they have committed and continue to perpetrate, of which the weaponization of health is only one tragic and inexcusable example. As global health professionals we fail our ethical imperative to do no harm if we remain passive observers of this situation.
We believe that the military junta must be denied any form of recognition and legitimacy. It is time for organizations responsible for global health governance to take a firm stand and exclude the junta from their bodies, an action that should be taken first and foremost by the WHO. We welcome the decision to exclude the junta from the recent 74th Annual Assembly and we await more decisive and permanent actions against the military government in order for WHO to provide leadership, uphold its own principles, and realize its rights-based mandate. We echo Sarli, D’Apice and Cecchi’s call for the global health community to take a stand and support the health professionals and the people of Myanmar in their CDM because “democracy means health, and health means democracy. They are intrinsically linked, mutually becoming one precondition of the other”.
Irrawaddy News
US spokesman says detention of American journalist Danny Fenster ‘unjust’
/in NewsA US government official claims his country is pressing the Myanmar junta over the continued detention of American journalist Danny Fenster after he was hit with a third charge this week.
In Washington, State Department spokesman Ned Price called Fenster’s detention “a sad reminder of the continuing human rights and humanitarian crisis facing the country.”
“The profoundly unjust nature of Danny’s detention is plain for all the world to see and these charges only put a further spotlight on that,” Price told reporters.
“We’re continuing to press the Burmese regime to release Danny immediately,” he said.
On Wednesday, Fenster was denied bail and charged with allegedly breaking immigration law. He is on trial for allegedly encouraging dissent against the military and unlawful association, and faces six years in jail if convicted on both counts.
Fenster, managing editor of Frontier Myanmar, was arrested on his way to Yangon International Airport in May as he attempted to leave the country.
At his latest hearing inside Yangon’s Insein prison on Wednesday, “he was told another charge was added” for allegedly breaching immigration law, his lawyer Than Zaw Aung told AFP.
The charge carries a maximum of five years in jail, he said.
“We do not know the exact reason for adding (the) immigration charge,” he said, adding Fenster’s visa was still valid when he was detained.
The new charge came after former US diplomat and hostage negotiator Bill Richardson met junta chief Min Aung Hlaing in the capital Naypyidaw, handing the increasingly isolated junta some rare publicity.
Both the State Department and Richardson’s organisation said he was on a private mission.
Concluding the trip, the former governor of New Mexico said in a statement he had secured the release of another prisoner, Aye Moe, who used to work for the Richardson Center on women’s empowerment.
No mention was publicly made of American journalist Fenster.
Richardson said he was looking to arrange the delivery of Covid-19 vaccines through the international Covax alliance.
“I think it will open the door to the resumption of childhood immunizations and other critical health interventions. UN agencies will be key to finalising a deal,” Richardson said.
Richardson has previously negotiated the release of prisoners and US servicemen in North Korea, Cuba, Iraq and Sudan and has recently sought to free US-affiliated inmates in Venezuela.
Fenster, 37, “is in good health physically but he’s upset because of increased charges”, Than Zaw Aung said.
He is believed to have contracted Covid-19 during his detention, family members said during a conference call with American journalists in August.
The press has also been squeezed as the junta tries to tighten control over the flow of information, throttling internet access and revoking the licences of local media outlets.
AFP/Mizzima
Arrested for leaving home without a smartphone: Soldiers levy ludicrous charges in Ayeyarwady
/in NewsTensions are running high in Ayeyarwady’s capital. After a string of assassinations, junta authorities recently put Pathein under martial law, imposing a curfew and tightening security checks for those moving around the city.
In the midst of this, residents of Ayeyarwaddy Region are reporting being fined—or abducted—on grounds that reach across the spectrum of possibility.
Since the lockdown, soldiers—increasingly paranoiac in their search for those sympathetic to the region’s PDF—have begun fining residents on increasingly asinine charges. DVB has seen reports of citizens being fined for having dark skin or scars, walking the opposite direction on a one-way street, and even for not wearing shoes.
Residents from Mawlamyine Island, Bogale, Maubin, and Pathein told DVB that, amongst implausible charges, civilians had been fined K500 for wearing face masks in public, while others had been fined up to K5,000 for carrying no phone—or, indeed, for being in possession of a keyboard phone lacking internet capabilities.
“Because people are being censored, those who do not want to be harassed by the military are increasingly using keyboard phones,” a source told DVB, adding that, in Pathein, soldiers had been enforcing such fines as early as late October. “Locals say that since then, junta soldiers have also fined those using keyboard phones.”
Random spot checks of soldiers thumbing through smartphones are a common sight in post-coup Burma. To circumvent the military’s gaze, citizens have taken to carrying burner phones, more often than not fitted with fake social media accounts; necessary when having a NUG photo frame across your profile picture is enough to send you to jail.
Never to be outfoxed, the military has simply begun arresting in lieu of evidence, hoping that a confession will be gained after the event. DVB has received reports of arrests for those accused of “walking in cordoned off zones without access to a Facebook account”, as well as those merely suspected of communicating with NUG and PDF supporters. However, as the military no longer needs to make a case before taking people into custody, it is difficult to know with certainty on what basis its arrests are made.
“Locals were arrested at the scene and taken to a military interrogation center where they were tortured and beaten until [the military] found out what they wanted to know,” the source said. “Locals say they have been forced to jump like frogs and do squats, even if the information they have provided is correct. They have been detained without charge by military informants.”
DVB News
Jailed 1988 veteran admitted to hospital with ‘life-threatening’ infection from wound
/in NewsMya Aye’s condition has improved but doctors say it will worsen again if he is sent back to Insein Prison
Jailed veteran democracy activist Mya Aye was taken to hospital with a “life-threatening” infection last month and is still there receiving treatment, his lawyer has revealed.
The activist, who was a prominent leader of the 1988 pro-democracy uprising and was among the first people to be detained by the military as it staged its coup on February 1, was taken from Insein Prison to an external hospital on October 11 after a wound on his ankle became infected.
The 54-year-old first noticed the infection on October 7, but he refused to be sent to the underequipped prison hospital, saying he would not be able to receive the treatment he needed there.
Then on October 10, he fainted from the infection on his way to the toilet at night and was sent to a hospital outside the prison in the afternoon of the following day, said Tinzar Oo, who visited her client on the day he was admitted.
“He wasn’t expecting for it to get this bad,” she said.
“According to the doctors, Mya Aye was very lucky that he got to the hospital in time,” she added. “He could have lost his leg or even his life if he was just a bit later. The infection he got was quite worrying. They said it was life-threatening.”
The activist did not need surgery but doctors have warned that the wound could get worse again if he goes back to prison before it has completely healed, she added.
“I was worried he would die when I saw him on October 11. He looked like he was dying. His legs were all swollen up. I wasn’t used to seeing him like that since he was always well-dressed during his court hearings,” said the lawyer.
As well as the wound on his right ankle, she added, Mya Aye had an infected lump on his thigh that needed to be popped by the doctors.
“When I saw him that day, he didn’t even talk about his wound. He just said that he was worried about the people outside,” she said.
Mya Aye faces up to a two-year prison sentence for a charge under Section 505c of the Penal Code of “inciting hate towards an ethnicity or a community”. The charge relates to an email he sent to a Chinese official seven years ago about Myanmar’s peace process.
He wrote in the email that because of government propaganda and Burmese ethnonationalism, people in Myanmar believed that China was interfering in the peace process and had backed Kokang rebels in their fight against the Myanmar military, according to his case file.
Mya Aye has been unable to attend his hearings, held at Insein Prison, because of his infection but a new hearing has been scheduled for November 22, Tinzar Oo said.
Myanmar Now News
CDF Kanpetlet to take action against non-CDM civil servants
/in NewsOn Tuesday, the Chinland Defense Force–Kanpetlet announced via its Facebook page that it was to begin “taking action” against non-CDM civil servants in the Chin town of Kanpetlet.
The news, ambiguously reported across a range of third-party platforms, left many wondering if the CDF was pondering what would have been a highly-controversial campaign of violence—it was not.
In fact, the group claims that it is devising the first practical and humane guidelines for resistance groups dealing with those on the wrong side of what it calls the “zero-sum game” of Burma’s current political climate.
Speaking to DVB, the CDF Kanpetlet’s Brigade Commander said that, in accordance with Chin customs and policies—and with the help of international and local human right specialists—the group has drawn-up a far-reaching plan to impose punitive measures on civil servants refusing to join the CDM movement.
“We recognize those doing CDM as the first warriors of the Spring Revolution. Now, military affiliates are putting pressure on them to stop associating with the CDM and return to work. We decided to make a precise policy for CDM and non-CDM civil servants, to support and punish them consistently. If we can cut off every opportunity for non-CDM civil servants, we will win this war,”
The resistance group says it is currently compiling a comprehensive list of the city’s civil servants—both those participating in the CDM movement, and those attending work under the junta. Once complete, the plan’s finer details will be provided on November 10, the commander said.
“The list will allow us to return CDM civil servants to their former position when we win this war. We will also continue giving job opportunities to their children. For the non-CDM, the opposite will be true. Both them and their children will lose opportunities, and they will be socially punished. They will write their own history,” he said.
Although the commander appears to emphasise non-violent approaches when dealing with non-CDM staff, the group draws the line at “military affiliates” who “pressure CDM staff to return to work”— a category that risks being “eliminated” if found guilty of intimidation after a CDF investigation, the commander said.
The group further hopes that its list will help facilitate a more immediate rebooting of the city’s civil service under its nascent Public Administration (PAF)— one of a number of autonomous administrative bodies being developed across Chin State—within which which it plans to protect and support the city’s CDM movement by prioritising the employment of CDM staff.
Administrators from the People’s Administration in nearby Mindat, last week told DVB that they were advising Kanpetlet after succeeding in reopening primary schools across the township.
As a result, the group is currently developing its “Sunday Education Program” for Kanpetlet’s children, who due to COVID-19 and the coup, have been out of education for almost two years. As with Mindat, CDM teachers will be key to the scheme’s success.
“I’m fearful that children, especially teenagers, may not want a proper education—they are now eager to hold weapons to fight against the junta. For now, we are thinking of starting with classes in mathematics and English, rather than rolling out a full course of education,” the commander said.
Chin’s PAFs have so far proven a remarkable success story, providing the inspiration for a recent mushrooming of autonomous township administrations across Burma.
This success has in part been driven by the state’s almost total resistance to military control: at the start of the revolution, 80 percent of Chin State’s civil servants joined the CDM, putting a complete halt on the operations of the junta’s administrative machinery. Later, however, the military’s ruthless crackdown on CDM staff created cracks in the unity of the movement.
Now, the commander says, one is either with the people or against them.
“There are only two things in this revolution: justice (dhamma) and injustice (adhamma). If we do not make a decisive decision, our enemy will; if we don’t lead, they will. We are not doing this for our own benefit— every religion fights unlawfulness and injustice. Those who support the military, who pressure those doing CDM, are standing for adhamma—we have to make precise decisions during the revolution, backed up with precise action.”
DVB News