President Win Myint freed in broad Myanmar prisoner amnesty

Myanmar’s President Win Myint was freed Friday as part of a broad prisoner amnesty by Min Aung Hlaing, who was inaugurated as president by a pro-military parliament on April 10, to mark the traditional Myanmar New Year.

The pardon order applied to more than 4,500 prisoners, but it was not immediately clear how many people imprisoned for opposing military rule were included and there was no sign that 80-year-old former leader Aung San Suu Kyi would be freed as well.

Win Myint is Aung San Suu Kyi’s longtime loyalist and was elected as president in 2018. He served as president under State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi because the military-drafted constitution barred her from holding the presidency.

Both were arrested during the military coup on Feb. 1, 2021. Win Myint was later given 12-year combined prison sentences for several offenses, which was reduced to eight years in 2023.

Regime-run MRTV television reported that Win Myint, who was in a prison in Taungoo Township in Bago region, had received amnesty.

Outside Insein Prison in Yangon, buses carrying prisoners were welcomed by relatives and friends who had been waiting since early morning. Among those released was filmmaker Shin Daewe, who was sentenced to life imprisonment under a counterterrorism law in January 2024.

The amnesty comes a week after Min Aung Hlaing was sworn into office following an election that critics say was neither free nor fair and was orchestrated to keep the military’s iron grip on power.

Aung San Suu Kyi expected to be transferred to house arrest

Regime-run media in Myanmar said in addition to the 4,335 prisoners pardoned, nearly 180 foreigners would be released and deported.

If the freed prisoners reoffend, they will have to serve the rest of their original sentences in addition to any new sentence, according to the terms of their release. A separate report said death sentences were commuted to life imprisonment, life sentences were reduced to 40 years and prison terms of less than 40 years were cut by one-sixth.

Under that measure, Aung San Suu Kyi’s 27-year sentence would be reduced by 4 1/2 years, leaving her with 22 1/2 years still to serve.

A senior military officer from the capital, Naypyidaw told the Associated Press on Friday that she will be transferred to house arrest as part of the clemency. He spoke on condition of anonymity because he wasn’t authorized to release information.

Aung San Suu Kyi has been serving a prison term on a variety of criminal convictions at an undisclosed location in Naypyidaw and has been moved to house arrest at least once in April 2024.

In his inauguration speech last week, Min Aung Hlaing said his government would implement amnesties that contribute to social reconciliation, justice and peace and support the country’s overall development.

Prisoner releases are common on holidays and other significant occasions in Myanmar.

Since the 2021 military coup, nearly 8,000 civilians have been killed and some 22,170 political detainees, including Aung San Suu Kyi, remain jailed, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), a rights monitoring group.

Total deaths in the ongoing conflict are estimated to be much higher.

Many political detainees have been held on incitement charges, a law widely used to arrest critics of the government or military and punishable by up to three years in prison.

Others have been prosecuted under a counterterrorism law that carries a potential death penalty and has been used to target political and armed opponents, journalists and other dissenters.

The human rights advocacy group Burma Campaign UK said in its statement on Friday that the slow, staged release of political prisoners is designed to gain positive publicity while making no real reforms.

“If the Burmese military regime were genuine about reform, they could release all 14,000 political prisoners today,” said the group’s advocacy and communications officer Minn Tent Bo, referring to the country’s former name.

“These people should not have been arrested in the first place. The Burmese military could stop arresting activists and could repeal all repressive laws. They haven’t done that.”

AP

DVB News

Rights Group Files Genocide Complaint Against Myanmar Junta Chief: Indonesian AG

JAKARTA—Rohingya representatives and a rights group filed a complaint Monday with Indonesia’s attorney general against Myanmar junta chief-turned-president-elect Min Aung Hlaing for alleged rights abuses against the minority group, the prosecutor’s office in Jakarta told AFP.

Myanmar’s military, which grabbed power in a 2021 coup, has for decades been accused of rights abuses, mostly targeting the country’s ethnic minorities including the Rohingya.

The complaint was filed in Indonesia by a Rohingya woman who fled from Myanmar, and other figures including former Indonesian Attorney General Marzuki Darusman and representatives of local rights group KontraS, the office’s spokesman Anang Supriatna told AFP.

“They came to deliver a complaint of crimes against humanity and genocide committed against the Rohingya people in Myanmar by the military junta government” including Min Aung Hlaing, Anang said.

The office will forward the complaint to a division of the attorney general’s office that specializes in serious crimes, he added.

Indonesian law gives the country’s courts “universal jurisdiction” over cases that involve serious crimes committed elsewhere in the world.

The world’s largest Muslim-majority country has for years been receiving Rohingya refugees as thousands risk their lives on long and dangerous sea journeys to reach Indonesia or Malaysia.

Irrawaddy News

Releases‘Defying a Dictatorship’: An Overview of the Human Rights Situation in Burma

The Network for Human Rights Documentation – Burma Releases
‘Defying a Dictatorship’: An Overview of the Human Rights Situation in Burma
July-December 2025

17 March 2026

For Immediate Release

Today, the Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma publishes its latest bi-annual report, ‘Defying a Dictatorship,’ which outlines the human rights situation in various States and Regions of ND-Burma members from July to December 2025.

During this period, ND-Burma’s member organizations documented 462 human rights violations across 279 incidents in seven regions and six states in Burma. Of these, 271 violations were committed by the military junta, 5 by Ethnic Revolution Organizations (EROs), and 3 cases could not be attributed to a perpetrator.  In total, 881 individuals, including 357 males, 187 females, 182 children, and 155 individuals of unknown gender or age, had their rights violated. Significantly, 352 individuals, including 173 males, 80 females, 82 children, and 17 of unknown genders or ages, were killed.

The situation on the ground for civilians remains increasingly volatile as the armed actors continue to evade accountability for their widespread and systematic crimes. The most vulnerable, especially women and children, are forced to endure the worst suffering as their calls to the international community for action go largely unanswered. With over 3.5 million people displaced nationwide, the urgency for action is clear. It is vital that global stakeholders are not deceived by the regime’s insistence that the situation is normal. Quite the contrary. Humanitarian aid and elections are routinely weaponized as tools to control and surveil the population.

Furthermore, as shown in the latest report by ND-Burma, there are numerous cases in areas where members are actively documenting human rights violations, providing evidence of how the junta is terrorizing innocent people. A rule of law or a federal democracy cannot exist with the junta in any leadership role. Therefore, the international community must respond to the longstanding calls of civil society by pursuing coordinated and meaningful actions that hold the regime accountable at the highest levels, including referring the human rights situation in Burma to the International Criminal Court. The survival and future of a new Burma depend on it.

For more information:

Name: Nai Aue Mon

Signal: +66 86 1679 741

Name: San Htoi

Signal: +66 64 9369 070

Defying a Dictatorship

Defying a Dictatorship

An Overview of the Human Rights Situation in Burma: July-December 2025

The Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma (ND-Burma) is deeply grateful to the interviewees for their courage in speaking out against the violations committed against them. We also appreciate our member organizations and fieldworkers, who continue to gather invaluable testimonies at their own personal risk. This report would not be possible without the work and contributions of ND-Burma members, the bravery of victims, and their coordinated efforts to collect evidence of human rights abuses despite the threats to their safety and security. 

The voices of civilians in this report remind us that there is still a long way to go for peace in Burma. We are motivated by their resilience to continue in the face of abject human rights abuses and crimes against humanity perpetrated by the Burmese Army and its various militias and accomplices on the ground. We sincerely thank our supporters and institutions offering unwavering support in making this report possible.

Report briefer link for Eng

Open Letter: The UNHRC Must Reject the Junta’s Sham Election Results to ConsolidateIllegitimate Rule and Advance Accountability

To: Member and Observer States of the UN Human Rights Council
CC: UN High Commissioner for Human Rights
UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar
18 February 2026
Open Letter: The UNHRC Must Reject the Junta’s Sham Election Results to Consolidate
Illegitimate Rule and Advance Accountability
Excellencies,
We, the undersigned 235 Myanmar, regional, and international civil society organizations, urge
the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) to take decisive, principled, concrete and
time-bound action to protect the rights and dignity of the people of Myanmar. As the Council
considers its 2026 resolution on Myanmar, we call for the adoption of a robust resolution that:

  1. Responds effectively to the escalating human rights and humanitarian catastrophe;
  2. Unequivocally rejects the military junta’s attempts to seize legitimacy through a sham
    electoral process conducted under the military-drafted 2008 Constitution and refuses
    recognition of any outcomes or governance structures arising from it;
  3. Impedes the junta’s capacity to carry out airstrikes and other atrocity crimes, including
    through measures that restrict access to aviation fuel, arms, and dual-use technologies;
  4. Addresses transnational organized crimes and the criminal economies (or illicit financial
    networks) that enable the junta to continue its terror campaign; and
  5. Advances accountability through all available international legal avenues.

    Excellencies,
    The Myanmar crisis is the direct consequence of the military’s attempted coup in February 2021
    and its subsequent campaign of systematic violence to unlawfully seize and consolidate power
    against the will of the people. Since then, the military junta has deliberately applied terror and
    repression with total impunity.
    Over the past five years, the Myanmar military junta has waged a sustained campaign of terror
    attacks against civilians, marked by widespread and systematic violations of international human
    rights and humanitarian law. These abuses include indiscriminate airstrikes and shelling,
    massacres, extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, torture, conflict-related sexual
    violence, and mass arbitrary arrest and detention. Since February 2021, at least 30,476 political
    prisoners have been arrested, 22,780 of whom remain detained, while 7,804 people have been
    killed. Documentation records at least 501 massacres, resulting in thousands of civilian deaths.


    Hundreds of thousands of civilian homes and public buildings have been deliberately destroyed,
    often through coordinated arson and airstrikes, especially in Sagaing, Magway and Tanintharyi
    Regions and Chin, Karenni, Karen, and Rakhine States. The junta has carried out 9,794 aerial
    bombardments, including 7,330 airstrikes, 1,305 drone strikes, 820 paramotor attacks, and 339
    gyrocopter assaults. These aerial attacks have resulted in 4,853 documented deaths. Since 2022,
    approximately 1,853 healthcare facilities have been attacked. IDP camps, schools, places of
    worship, and public gatherings are repeatedly targeted.

    On 10 December 2025, International Human Rights Day, the military conducted airstrike on
    Mrauk-U Hospital in Rakhine State, killing approximately 34 people and injuring more than ten.
    In January 2026 alone, 633 human rights violations were documented, alongside 220 aerial
    bombardments that killed at least 69 civilians. Two major massacres occurred between 21 and
    25 January: in Bhamo Township, Kachin State, at least 27 people were killed during a funeral and
    wedding; in Kyauktaw Township, Rakhine State, at least 21 people, including pregnant women
    and children, were killed. In February 2026, further airstrikes targeted displaced civilians in
    Sagaing Region, killing monastic novices, children, and villagers.

    More than 3.6 million people are internally displaced, while acute food insecurity has continued
    at catastrophic levels, affecting an estimated 12.4 million people in 2026. The junta’s attacks on
    civilian population are deliberate. They form part of a widespread and systematic pattern that
    amounts to war crimes and crimes against humanity including war crime of starvation of
    civilians. The Council must adopt urgent accountability and civilian protection measures.
    In addition, Myanmar has become a regional hub for transnational criminal activities. The
    proliferation of cyber-scam centers, human trafficking networks, and illicit narcotics production
    has accelerated, particularly in areas under the control of the junta and junta-aligned armed
    groups, militias, and military-linked business networks. These criminal economies generate
    revenue streams for the junta and actors connected to it, helping the military evade and
    withstand international sanctions.

    The consequences of these crimes extend far beyond Myanmar’s borders and have directly
    affected neighboring ASEAN countries as well as the United States and Europe. Victims—often
    trafficked individuals—are subjected to forced labor, detention, torture, and other serious
    abuses that may amount to crimes against humanity, including enslavement and imprisonment.
    The symbiotic relationship between the military junta and transnational organized crimes is now
    a central feature of its survival strategy and must be explicitly addressed by the UNHRC and the
    international community.

    In stark contrast to the junta’s violence, the people of Myanmar have continued to organize,
    resist, and build alternative political and social systems under extraordinary risks. Civil society
    organizations, human rights defenders, women, youth and LGBTIQA+ activists, and democratic
    resistance groups have established people-led governance from the ground up, challenging the
    military-constructed, centralized, repressive state system and exclusionary nationalism. Through
    survivor-centered documentation, rights-based advocacy, community education, mutual aid, and
    local administration, communities are actively shaping a different political landscape that seeks
    to ensure a peaceful and sustainable future based on principles of human rights, justice, and
    federal democracy.

    Against this backdrop, the junta attempted to manufacture political legitimacy through a
    systematically coerced and tightly controlled process. The military junta weaponized the entire
    electoral system—deploying the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party
    (USDP), mobilizing pro-junta networks, and relying on fear, intimidation, and force—to impose a
    predetermined outcome. This carefully stage-managed process was falsely presented as a
    “return to democracy,” a narrative decisively rejected by the people of Myanmar. The election
    was neither legal nor legitimate. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights publicly affirmed
    that the military-imposed elections failed to respect fundamental human rights and only
    deepened violence and societal polarization.

    The junta-controlled Union Election Commission (UEC) functioned as a direct instrument of
    military command, seeking to fabricate consent through surveillance, exclusion, and coercion.
    The three-phase election, held between December 2025 and January 2026, unfolded amid the
    widespread public boycott and junta’s heavy militarization and collapsing territorial control.
    Polling stations were largely empty, with participation limited to pro-military supporters or
    individuals coerced through threats of arrest, economic punishment, or pressure on family
    members. Electoral secrecy and voluntariness were systematically dismantled through
    surveillance, forced advance voting, and arrests under so-called election protection laws, under
    which at least 404 people—324 men and 80 women—were detained. In addition, the junta’s
    sham election took place amid ongoing massacres and airstrikes. The Office of the High
    Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) documented and reported that at least 170 people
    were killed in more than 408 military aerial attacks during the voting period between December
    2025 and January 2026.

    While we acknowledge the UNHRC resolution adopted on 4 April 2025, the crisis—now entering
    its sixth year—demands far stronger, more concrete, and time-bound actions from UN
    mechanisms and the international community.
    The UNHRC must unequivocally reject the sham election and its outcomes and make clear that
    no UN mechanism will recognize or engage with any governance structures arising from it. Any
    recognition, engagement, or technical cooperation that confers political legitimacy on the junta,
    including in the aftermath of its sham election, risks normalizing the junta’s atrocity crimes and
    further emboldening it.

    The Council must explicitly recognize and address the symbiotic relationship between the
    Myanmar military and transnational organized crimes and call for coordinated international
    action to dismantle these networks and cut off a key source of financing for the military.

    We further urge the Council to call for a comprehensive global arms embargo, including targeted
    sanctions on aviation fuel, cutting the financial flows that sustain the military’s decades-long
    impunity. Any sale, supply, or transfer of weapons, aircraft, drones, or fuel directly facilitates
    atrocity crimes and may therefore give rise to state and individual responsibility for aiding and
    abetting the Myanmar military’s crimes under international law.

    The Council must also mobilize political support for concrete accountability measures, including
    the referral of the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court (ICC) or the
    establishment of an ad hoc or hybrid international criminal tribunal. We urge the Council to
    actively support the NUG’s declaration under Article 12(3) of the Rome Statute, accepting ICC
    jurisdiction, and to increase support for cases under the principles of universal jurisdiction,
    including those pursued in Argentina, Timor-Leste, and other national courts.
    Finally, the UN must move beyond reliance on ASEAN’s failed Five-Point Consensus and adopt an
    approach that support a Myanmar people-led, rights-based solution grounded in international
    law, justice, and accountability.

    Excellencies,
    We urge you to support the people of Myanmar in their unwavering resistance against the
    criminal military junta and tireless efforts to build a federal democracy from the ground up,
    despite immense suffering. We urge the Council to match their courage with decisive action—by
    rejecting the junta’s sham election and its results, dismantling the military’s capacity to continue
    committing war crimes, crimes against humanity, and other international crimes, and advancing
    accountability without delay.
    For further information, please contact:
  • Naw Cherry, Karen Peace Support Network; kpsn14@gmail.com
  • Nai Aue Mon, Human Rights Foundation of Monland; auemon@rehmonnya.org
  • Salai Za UK Ling, Chin Human Rights Organization; zauk@chinhumanrights.org
  • Khin Ohmar, Progressive Voice, info@progressive-voice.org

Signed by 235 civil society organizations, including 27 organizations that have chosen not to
disclose their names:

  1. #MilkTeaAlliance – Friends of Myanmar
  2. 5/ Lapantang Strike Column
  3. 5/ of Zaya State Strike Committee
  4. 8888 Generation (New Zealand)
  5. Action Committee for Democracy Development (ACDD)
  6. A New Burma (ANB)
  7. Ah Nah Podcast – conversations with Myanmar
  8. All Arakan Youth Organizations Network (AAYON)
  9. All Burma Democratic Front in New Zealand
  10. ALTSEAN-Burma
  11. Anti-Dictatorship in Burma – DMVPA Area
  12. Anti-Junta Alliance Yangon – AJAY
  13. Anti-junta Forces Coordination Committee – Mandalay (AFCC – Mandalay)
  14. Anyar Pyit Taing Htaung Lay Myar Strike Committee
  15. Arakan CSO Network
  16. Arakan Youth Peace Network
  17. Asia Democracy Network (AND)
  18. Asia Justice and Rights (AJAR)
  19. Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
  20. Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
  21. Association of Human Rights Defenders and Promoters (HRDP)
  22. Association of Spring Rainbow (ASR)
  23. Association Suisse Birmanie (ASB)
  24. Athan – Freedom of Expression Activist Organization
  25. Auckland Kachin Community NZ
  26. Auckland Zomi Community
  27. Ayadaw Strike Committee
  28. Ayeyarwaddy West Development Organisation (AWDO), Magway
  29. Ayeyarwaddy West Development Organisation (AWDO), Nagphe
  30. Blood Money Campaign (BMC)
  31. Budalin Strike Force
  32. Burma Action Ireland
  33. Burma Canadian Network
  34. Burma Concern
  35. Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN)
  36. Burma Solidarity Philippines (BSP)
  37. Burmese Atheists
  38. Burmese Community Group (Manawatu, NZ)
  39. Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK)
  40. Burmese Rohingya Welfare Organisation New Zealand
  41. Burmese Women’s Union (BWU)
  42. Campaign for a New Myanmar
  43. CDM Medical Network (CDMMN)
  44. Chin Community of Auckland
  45. Chin Human Rights Organization (CHRO)
  46. Chindwin Riverside Villages Strike Committee
  47. CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation
  48. Civil Information Network (CIN)
  49. Civil Rights Defenders (CRD)
  50. Creative Home (CH)
  51. CRPH & NUG supporters Ireland
  52. CRPH Funding Ireland
  53. Dagon University Student’s Union (DUSU)
  54. Defend Myanmar Democracy (DMD)
  55. Democracy for Ethnic Minorities Organization (DEMO)
  56. Democracy Youths of Myanmar
  57. Democracy, Peace and Women’s Organization
  58. Educational Initiatives Prague
  59. Equality Myanmar (EQMM)
  60. Ethnic Youth General Strike Committee (Mandalay)
  61. Federal Corner
  62. Federal Myanmar Benevolence Group (NZ)
  63. Federation of Basic Education Worker Unions (FBEWU)
  64. Free Burma Campaign (South Africa) (FBC (SA))
  65. Future Light Center (FLC)
  66. General Strike Collaboration Committee (GSCC)
  67. Generation Wave (GW)
  68. Generations’ Solidarity Coalition of Nationalities – GSCN
  69. German Solidarity with Myanmar e.V.
  70. Hpakant Hmawlae Strike Force
  71. Human Rights Educators Network (HREN)
  72. Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM)
  73. India for Myanmar
  74. Info Birmanie
  75. Initiatives for International Dialogue (IID)
  76. Inle Women Union
  77. Inter Pares
  78. International Campaign for the Rohingya
  79. Italia-Birmania.Insieme
  80. Justice & Equality Focus (JEF)
  81. Kachin Women Association Thailand (KWAT)
  82. Kalay Township People’s Strike Steering Committee – KPSSC
  83. Kani Township Strike Steering Committee
  84. Kantbalu Township Strike Force
  85. Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG)
  86. Karen Peace Support Network (KPSN)
  87. Karen Swedish Community (KSC)
  88. Karen Women’s Organization (KWO)
  89. Karenni Civil Society Network – KCSN
  90. Karenni Human Rights Group (KnHRG)
  91. Karenni National Women’s Organization (KNWO)
  92. Karenni Society New Zealand
  93. Kawthoolei Women’s Network
  94. Keng Tung Youth
  95. Kyae Lak Myay
  96. Kyan Rescue Committee (KRC)
  97. Kyauktada Strike Committee (KSC)
  98. La Communauté Birmane de France
  99. Latpadaung Anti-coup Strike Force
  100. Latpadaung Region Strike Committee
  101. Legal Aid for Human Rights
  102. Let’s Help Each Other (LHEO)
  103. LGBT Alliance Myanmar
  104. Magway People’s Revolution Committee
  105. Magway Region Human Rights Network (MHRN)
  106. Mandalay Medical Family (MFM)
  107. Mandalay Regional Youth Association – Revolution Core Group (MRYA – RCG)
  108. Mandalay Strike Force (MSF)
  109. MATA Sagaing
  110. MayMyo Strike Force
  111. Mekong Watch
  112. Metta Campaign Mandalay
  113. Milk Tea Alliance Calendar Team
  114. Monywa People’s Strike Steering Committee
  115. Monywa-Amyint Road Strike Committee
  116. Myanmar (CRPH) Support Group, Norway
  117. Myanmar Accountability Project (MAP)
  118. Myanmar Action Group Denmark
  119. Myanmar anti-military coup movement in New Zealand
  120. Myanmar Campaign Network (Australia)
  121. Myanmar Community Group Christchurch New Zealand
  122. Myanmar Community Group Dunedin New Zealand
  123. Myanmar Emergency Fund – Canada (MEF – Canada)
  124. Myanmar Engineers – New Zealand
  125. Myanmar Gonye (New Zealand)
  126. Myanmar Labour Alliance (MLA)
  127. Myanmar Muslim Revolutionary Force
  128. Myanmar People Alliance (Shan State)
  129. Myanmar Student Christian Movement
  130. Myanmar Students’ Union in New Zealand
  131. Myaung People Strike Steering Committee
  132. MyaYar Knowledge Tree
  133. Myingyan Civilian Movement Committee
  134. Nelson Myanmar Community Group New Zealand
  135. Network for Human Rights Documentation – Burma (ND-Burma)
  136. New Bloom (Taiwan)
  137. New Myanmar Foundation (NMF)
  138. New Step Women Empowerment Group (NSWG)
  139. New Zealand Campaign for Myanmar
  140. New Zealand Doctors for NUG
  141. New Zealand Karen Association
  142. New Zealand Zo Community Inc.
  143. No Business With Genocide
  144. Nyan Lynn Thit Analytica (NLTA)
  145. Olive Organization
  146. Overseas Mon Association, New Zealand
  147. Pale People’s Strike Steering Committee
  148. Political Prisoners Network – Myanmar (PPNM)
  149. Progressive Muslim Youth Association (PMYA)
  150. Progressive Voice (PV)
  151. Pwintphyu Development Organisation (PDO)
  152. Pyithu Gonye (New Zealand)
  153. Queers of Burma Alternative (QBA)
  154. Rohingya Maìyafuìnor Collaborative Network (RMCN)
  155. Rural Community Development Society
  156. Rvwang Community Association New Zealand
  157. Save Myanmar – USA
  158. Save Myanmar (San Francisco)
  159. Save Myanmar Fundraising Group (New Zealand)
  160. SEA Junction
  161. Shan Community (New Zealand)
  162. Shan MATA
  163. Shwebo Strike Force
  164. Sisters2Sisters
  165. Sitt Nyein Pann Foundation (SNPF)
  166. Southern Initiatives (SI)
  167. Southern Youth Development Organization (SYDO)
  168. Spring Revolution Myanmar Muslim Community (SRMMC)
  169. Spring Traveller
  170. Sujata Sisters Group (NZ)
  171. Ta Mar Institute of Development
  172. Ta’ang Women Organization (TWO)
  173. The Ladies Organization
  174. The Nation Voice
  175. S. Campaign for Burma (USCB)
  176. Union of Karenni State Youth (UKSY)
  177. Unitarian Universalist Service Committee (UUSC)
  178. University of Medicine Mandalay Student Union Revolutionary Front – UMMSURF
  179. University Students’ Unions Alumni Force
  180. Volunteers in Myanmar
  181. Wetlet Strike Committee
  182. White Coat Society Yangon (WCSY)
  183. Women Alliance Burma (WAB)
  184. Women for Justice (WJ)
  185. Women Lead Resource Center
  186. Yadanabon University Students’ Union (YDNBUSU)
  187. Yangon 4 Brothers
  188. Yangon Deaf Group
  189. Yaw Land’s IDP Support Network
  190. Yinmarbin-Sarlingyi All Villages People Strike Leading Committee
  191. Youth Empowerment (YE)
  192. Youth Resources Strike Committee – Chaung U Township
  193. ဂန့်ဂေါဖွံ့ဖြိုးတိုးတက်ရေးအဖွဲ့
  194. ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးစာသင်ခန်း – Peace Classroom
  195. စွန်ရဲဌာနေ (လေကြောင်းရန်ကာကွယ်ရေးကွန်ယက်)
  196. တမာကောလိပ်
  197. နွေဦးတမာရပ်ဝန်း
  198. နားဆင်သူများအဖွဲ့
  199. ပဉ္စမမဏ္ဏိုင်
  200. မင်းလှတောင်သူများအစုအဖွဲ့
  201. မျက်မှောက်ခေတ်
  202. မျိုးဆက်-Generations
  203. မလိအင်ဗွပ်အမျိုးသမီးများအဖွဲ့
  204. ယိမ်းနွဲ့ပါး
  205. ရင်းမြစ်ဌာနေ (လေကြောင်းရန်ကာကွယ်ရေးကွန်ယက်)
  206. သင့်မြတ်လိုသူများအဖွဲ့
  207. သမိုင်းသယ်ဆောင်သူများ
  208. အညာလွင်ပြင်ရပ်ဝန်း

ထောက်ခံလက်မှတ် ထပ်မံရရှိထားသော အဖွဲ့များ

  • Justice For Myanmar
  • Integria, z.u. (Czech Republic)

အိတ်ဖွင့်ပေးစာကို PDF ဖြင့် ရယူရန် (မြန်မာဘာသာ ၊ English)

Lives in the Absence of Safety

The Ta’ang Women’s Organization (TWO) has released a report titled ‘Lives in the Absence of Safety.’
This field report documents human rights violations committed by the “terror” military council in northern Shan State from February 1, 2021, to 2024, following the coup d’état.

The report highlights severe human rights abuses, the situation in the Ta’ang region before and after the coup, and the overall deterioration of social conditions.
It also covers the airstrikes targeting civilians during Operation 1027, the dire living conditions of internally displaced persons (IDPs), and the status of rehabilitation assistance.
Furthermore, it presents findings on the regional situation under the administration of revolutionary organizations.

Screenshot