Myanmar Mechanism investigations reveal deliberate attacks on civilians by the Myanmar military – Annual Report

Geneva, 11 August 2026 – Investigations by the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (Mechanism), as detailed in its Annual Report released today, show a pattern of deliberate aerial attacks on civilians, arbitrary detentions, torture and sexual violence committed by the Myanmar military. 

The Myanmar military escalated its aerial attacks and other crimes against civilians in the lead-up to the elections completed in January this year and these have continued unabated. 

“Behind every piece of evidence we collect are people whose lives have been devastated by these crimes,” said Nicholas Koumjian, Head of the Mechanism. “Communities across Myanmar are not only living under the constant threat of violence but are also coping with the profound and lasting impact of what they have endured. This underscores the urgent need to hold those responsible to account.” 

Covering the period from 1 July 2025 to 30 June 2026, the Report outlines the Mechanism’s investigations into aerial attacks targeting homes, schools, medical facilities, religious buildings and camps for internally displaced persons, causing deaths, injuries and destruction. The military’s increasing reliance on paramotors and drones has made attacks harder for civilians to detect, limiting their ability to flee or seek shelter. The Mechanism has identified some of the military units responsible for these attacks.  

The Mechanism has also collected and analysed extensive evidence of arbitrary detention, torture and sexual violence in military-run detention facilities, including cases linked to the 2025 law criminalizing criticism of the elections. Numerous individuals have been arrested under the law and face up to 20 years’ imprisonment and the death penalty for activities such as posting critical comments on social media.  

While most of the evidence collected by the Mechanism concerns crimes committed by the Myanmar security forces and affiliated militias, it is also investigating alleged atrocities involving armed groups opposed to the military.  

The Mechanism’s investigations draw on evidence from more than 1,600 sources, including over 750 accounts from witnesses, as well as photographs, videos, audio material, documents, maps, geospatial imagery, social media posts and forensic evidence. 

The Mechanism continues to share evidence and analysis with authorities pursuing accountability for crimes committed against the Rohingya, including at the International Criminal Court (ICC) and in Argentina, and has also responded to requests from other authorities investigating crimes committed since the 2021 military takeover.  

It has also provided extensive evidence and analysis to the parties in The Gambia v. Myanmar proceedings before the International Court of Justice (ICJ), where the judges are deliberating whether Myanmar violated its obligations under the Genocide Convention during the 2016 and 2017 clearance operations against the Rohingya. 

The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM or Mechanism) was created by the United Nations Human Rights Council in 2018 to collect and analyse evidence of the most serious international crimes and other violations of international law committed in Myanmar since 2011. It aims to facilitate justice and accountability by preserving and organizing this evidence and preparing analysis that can be used by authorities to prosecute individuals in national, regional and international courts. 

For more information, visit iimm.un.org or contact iimm@un.org. 

Protecting Humanity: Enforcing the ICRC Mandate in Myanmar – An Open Letter to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC)

Date: 11 August 2026

To the Leadership and Representatives of the ICRC,

We, the undersigned 155 Myanmar, regional and international civil society organizations, write to you today with a profound sense of urgency and deep frustration regarding the 3 August 2026 meeting between your resident representative, Arnaud de Baecque, and Myanmar’s State Counsellor, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

While any contact with the State Counsellor, who is being unlawfully imprisoned by the illegal military junta in Myanmar, is a matter of intense public interest, the sequence of events surrounding this visit illustrates our greatest fear: the ICRC’s mandate is being actively exploited by the military junta. The meeting demonstrated how humanitarian engagement in Myanmar is increasingly vulnerable to political instrumentalization by the military junta, thereby aiding them to advance their political aims, and in turn prolonging the suffering of the Myanmar people and undermining their expressed democratic will and aspirations.

The junta first publicized the meeting, releasing carefully curated photographs of handshakes and a birthday cake to project an illusion of normalcy and cooperation to the international community as it desperately seeks legitimacy for its violently imposed rule. Only after this propaganda was disseminated did the ICRC issue a brief, reactionary confirmation.

In your statement, you noted that the visit followed “established guidelines” and permitted a “private conversation,” and you added that, per your standard procedures, all observations regarding her condition are kept strictly confidential and shared only with detaining authorities. You disclosed nothing regarding her health, her whereabouts, or the reality of her captivity.

A short, sanitized announcement is NOT enough. When the ICRC allows the military junta to exploit its presence as a credible international humanitarian organization for propaganda to advance its political agenda while remaining silent about the realities of the situation, the ICRC is no longer practicing neutrality. The ICRC is instead complicit in the military junta’s theater and blatant violations of international humanitarian law.

We anticipate the ICRC’s defence. We know it will rest upon the Fundamental Principles of the ICRC Movement, particularly neutrality, independence and confidentiality. We recognize that confidential dialogue is intended to secure humanitarian access and protect those deprived of their liberty. However, humanitarian engagement also carries a responsibility to safeguard its integrity from political exploitation.

The political instrumentalization of this visit was entirely foreseeable. The military junta has, for more than five years, consistently exploited humanitarian and diplomatic engagement to extract legitimacy and project an image of normalcy. Given this well-established pattern, the ICRC had a responsibility to anticipate and actively prevent such exploitation. The public dissemination of carefully staged photographs and messaging by the junta was not an unforeseeable consequence—it was an entirely predictable outcome.

Against this backdrop, we must ask: was the ICRC protecting its humanitarian mandate, or merely accommodating the military junta’s need in turn to protect the ICRC? An honest examination of your own doctrine reveals that your current approach is failing the very principles you claim to uphold:

  • Humanity is the Supreme Principle; Neutrality is a Tool: The first principle of your movement is to prevent and alleviate human suffering. Neutrality is not an end in itself. It exists to advance the principle of humanity by enabling access to those in need. When neutrality is repeatedly exploited to generate political legitimacy for violators of international law without extracting corresponding humanitarian gains from them, the relationship between means and ends deserves urgent reassessment.
  • The Premise of Confidential Dialogue has been Destroyed: The ICRC’s doctrine of confidentiality assumes good faith, that private dialogue with authorities will lead to tangible improvements for detainees. After more than five years of widespread arbitrary detention, torture, incommunicado detention and denial of independent monitoring, what measurable humanitarian improvements has confidential dialogue achieved for twenty thousand political detainees in Myanmar?
  • The Mandate Allows for Public Denunciation: The ICRC’s own guidelines state that confidentiality is not absolute. You reserve the right to publicly denounce violations when they are major and repeated, when confidential dialogue has failed, and when it is in the best interest of the affected populations. The situation in Myanmar unequivocally meets all three criteria.

The Call for Enforcement

If the ICRC can allow the military junta to exploit the ICRC’s presence to parade Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in front of cameras in a deliberate staged show to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the world while over twenty thousand unnamed, un-profiled political prisoners endure unimaginable torture in the junta’s prisons, the ICRC can no longer claim its silence is serving the victims.

The people of Myanmar are not asking the ICRC to step outside its humanitarian mandate, nor are we asking the ICRC to abandon its core mission. However, we are demanding the strict enforcement of ICRC’s own operational guidelines and of international human rights standards. The ICRC should not allow itself to be used as a prop by those who slaughter civilians.

In addition, we urgently call upon the ICRC to enforce a principled position and prioritize the lives of Myanmar’s people. The ICRC must immediately trigger its internal guidelines to publicly denounce the military junta’s repeated violations of IHL, openly recognizing that confidential dialogue has completely failed.

Furthermore, the ICRC must insist on regular, independent and unimpeded access to all political prisoners and places of detention, free from the presence or interference of junta personnel. Any engagement with detainees, including State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, must be conducted solely for humanitarian purposes and must not be exploited for political theatre or public relations. The ICRC should prioritize facilitating meaningful family contact, including with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s son, Kim Aris, in accordance with its humanitarian mandate, while refusing participation in any military junta-staged photo opportunities or engagements that manufacture legitimacy for the junta.

History will not judge the ICRC by how strictly it adhered to its bylaws in a vacuum, but by whether it had the courage to recognize when those bylaws were being exploited and manipulated by the military junta. We urge the ICRC to reassess its purpose and strategy, to demand true, unmanipulated access to all political prisoners, and to stop allowing its confidentiality to be extracted for the junta’s legitimacy.

State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is the legitimate leader of Myanmar and continues to be recognized as such by the United Nations (UN).  For the ICRC to allow itself to be used by the military junta for its political gain in response to ASEAN and world leaders demanding direct access to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the ICRC is participating in the exploitation of the democratically elected leader of the Myanmar people. This is entirely unacceptable. Human suffering in Myanmar is not a confidential matter. ICRC’s response to it should not be either.

The people of Myanmar do not question the importance of humanitarian engagement. We question whether humanitarian engagement can continue to fulfil its purpose when it is exploited and manipulated to legitimize those responsible for widespread violations of international humanitarian law. The credibility of the ICRC depends not only on preserving access, but also on ensuring that such access does not come at the expense of the very people it pledges to protect.

The people of Myanmar deserve an answer: How will the ICRC hold itself accountable to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the people of Myanmar? What safeguards will the ICRC put in place to ensure that future humanitarian engagement cannot again be exploited as political propaganda by the illegal criminal junta?

For more information, please contact:

Signed by 155 civil society organizations, including 2 organizations that have chosen not to disclose their names:

  1. 5/ Lapantang Strike Column
  2. 5/ of Zaya State Strike Committee
  3.  A3Y (Area 3 Youths)
  4. Action Committee for Democracy Development (ACDD)
  5. All Arakan Students’ & Youths’ Congress (AASYC)
  6. ALTSEAN-Burma
  7. Anti-Junta Alliance Yangon – AJAY
  8. Anti-junta Forces Coordination Committee – Mandalay (AFCC – Mandalay)
  9. Anyar Pyit Taing Htaung Lay Myar Strike Committee
  10. Arakan Youth Peace Network
  11. Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
  12. Association of Human Rights Defenders and Promoters (HRDP)
  13. Association of Spring Rainbow (ASR)
  14. Athan – Freedom of Expression Activist Organization
  15. Aung San Suu Kyi Park Norway
  16. Ayadaw Strike Committee
  17. Ayeyarwaddy West Development Organisation (AWDO), Magway
  18. Ayeyarwaddy West Development Organisation (AWDO), Nagphe
  19. Blood Money Campaign (BMC)
  20. Board of Education Kyaukpadaung
  21. Budalin Strike Force
  22. Burmese Atheists
  23. Burmese Women’s Union (BWU)
  24. Campaign for a New Myanmar
  25. CDM Medical Network (CDMMN)
  26. Center for Action Points (CAP)
  27. Chin Community in Norway
  28. Chin Human Rights Organization (CHRO)
  29. Chindwin Riverside Villages Strike Committee
  30. Civil Information Network (CIN)
  31. Creative Home (CH)
  32. CRPH Support Group, Norway and members organizations
  33. Dagon University Student’s Union (DUSU)
  34. Defend Myanmar Democracy (DMD)
  35. Democratic Party for a New Society, Norway
  36. Doh Atu – Ensemble pour le Myanmar
  37. Educational Initiatives Myanmar
  38. Equality Myanmar (EQMM)
  39. Ethnic Youth General Strike Committee (Mandalay)
  40. Federal Myanmar Tourism Committee
  41. Federal Myanmar Tourism Union
  42. Federation of Basic Education Worker Unions (FBEWU)
  43. Free Burma Campaign (South Africa) (FBC(SA)
  44. General Strike Collaboration Committee (GSCC)
  45. General Strike Coordination Body – GSCB
  46. Generation Wave (GW)
  47. Hpakant Hmawlae Strike Force
  48. Human Rights Educators’ Network (HREN)
  49. Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM)
  50. India for Myanmar
  51. Info Birmanie
  52. International Campaign for the Rohingya
  53. Justice & Equality Focus (JEF)
  54. Justice For Myanmar (JFM)
  55. K’cho Ethnic Association (Europe)
  56. Kachin Association Norway
  57. Kachin Human Rights Watch (KHRW)
  58. Kachin Women’s Association Thailand (KWAT)
  59. Kalay Township People’s Strike Steering Committee – KPSSC
  60. Kani Township Strike Steering Committee
  61. Kantbalu Township Strike Force
  62. Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG)
  63. Karen Peace Support Network (KPSN)
  64. Karen Women’s Organization (KWO)
  65. Karen Youth Organization – KYO
  66. Karenni Human Rights Group (KnHRG)
  67. Karenni National Women’s Organization (KNWO)
  68. Keng Tung Youth
  69. Kyae Lak Myay
  70. Kyauktada Strike Committee (KSC)
  71. Latpadaung Anti-coup Strike Force
  72. Latpadaung Region Strike Committee
  73. LGBT Alliance Myanmar
  74. Magway People’s Revolution Committee
  75. Magway Region Human Rights Network
  76. Mandalay Medical Family (MFM)
  77. Mandalay Regional Youth Association – Revolution Core Group (MRYA – RCG)
  78. Mandalay Strike Force (MSF)
  79. MayMyo Strike Force
  80. Metta Campaign Mandalay
  81. MilkTeaAlliance Calendar Team
  82. Monywa People’s Strike Steering Committee
  83. Monywa-Amyint Road Strike Committee
  84. Myanmar Accountability Project (MAP)
  85. Myanmar Catholic Community In Norway
  86. Myanmar Community in Norway
  87. Myanmar Hindu Union
  88. Myanmar Labour Alliance (MLA)
  89. Myanmar People Alliance (Shan State)
  90. Myanmar Women Peace and Security (M-WPS)
  91. Myaung People Strike Steering Committee
  92. MyaYar Knowledge Tree
  93. Myingyan Civilian Movement Committee
  94. Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma (ND-Burma)
  95. New Myanmar Foundation
  96. New Rehmonnya Federated Force – NRFF
  97. NLD Organization Committee (International) Norway
  98. No Business With Genocide
  99. Nonviolence International
  100. Norway Matu Community
  101. Norway Rvwang Community
  102. OCTOPUS (Youth Organization)
  103. Pakokku Youth Development Council (PYDC)
  104. Pale People’s Strike Steering Committee
  105. People Movement Platform Myanmar
  106. Progressive Voice (PV)
  107. Queers of Burma Alternative (QBA)
  108. Rohingya Community in Norway
  109. Rohingya Maìyafuìnor Collaborative Network (RMCN)
  110. RW Welfare society (RWWS)
  111. Sagaing Forum Federation
  112. SEA Junction
  113. Shan MATA
  114. Shwebo Strike Force
  115. Sisters 2 Sisters
  116. Sitt Nyein Pann Foundation (SNPF)
  117. Southern Initiative (SI)
  118. Southern Youth Development Organization
  119. Spring Friends
  120. Synergy – Social Harmony Organization
  121. Thint Myat Lo Thu Myar Organization
  122. University of Medicine Mandalay Student Union Revolutionary Front – UMMSURF
  123. University Students’ Unions Alumni Force
  124. US Campaign for Burma
  125. Volunteers in Myanmar
  126. Wetlet Strike Committee
  127. White Coat Society Yangon (WCSY)
  128. Women Advocacy Coalition – Myanmar (WAC-M)
  129. Women Alliance Burma (WAB)
  130. Women Lead Resource Center
  131. Women’s League of Burma (WLB)
  132. Women’s Organization of Political Prisoners (WOPP)
  133. Women’s Peace Network
  134. Yadanabon University Students’ Union (YDNBUSU)
  135. Yain Nweh Par (Rainbow Win The Storm – RIS)
  136. Yangon Deaf Group
  137. Yinmarbin-Sarlingyi All Villages People Strike Leading Committee
  138. Youth Empowerment
  139. Youth for Democratization of Myanmar (UDM)
  140. Youth Resources Strike Committee – Chaung U Township
  141. Zomi Christian Fellowship of Norway
  142. Zomi Community Norway
  143. ကမ်းလက်ကူ
  144. ဂန့်ဂေါဖွံ့ဖြိုးတိုးတက်ရေးအဖွဲ့
  145. တူမီးစာစဉ်အဖွဲ့
  146. ပြည်သူ့သပိတ်အင်အားစု
  147. ပွင့်ဖြူဖွံ့ဖြိုးတိုးတက်ရေးအဖွဲ့
  148. ဖားကန့်မှော်လှည့်သပိတ်
  149. မင်းဘူးတောင်သူများအစုအဖွဲ့။
  150. မင်းလှတောင်သူများအစုအဖွဲ့။
  151. မလိအင်မိုင်ဇွပ် အမျိးသမီးအဖွဲ
  152. ရှမ်းမြောက် လီဆူအမျိုးသမီးများအဖွဲ့
  153. သမိုင်းသယ်ဆောင်သူများ

Joint Statement: SEANF Must Deny the Junta-controlled Myanmar Commission the 2027 Chairship to Protect Regional Credibility

[BANGKOK, 7 August 2026] We, the undersigned 146 Myanmar, regional, and international civil society organizations, express deep alarm and concern regarding reports that the junta-controlled Myanmar National Human Rights Commission (MNHRC) has announced its intention to assume the Chairship of the Southeast Asia National Human Rights Institutions Forum (SEANF) in 2027, following discussions during the second Technical Working Group Meeting of SEANF held in Malaysia from 21 to 23 July 2026.

We urge SEANF members to take a principled stand and prevent the MNHRC from assuming any leadership position within SEANF and to urgently review its continued membership in the Forum. Allowing the MNHRC to chair SEANF would not only seriously undermine the credibility, legitimacy, and integrity of a regional human rights mechanism established to advance human rights protection in Southeast Asia, but would embolden the MNHRC to further provide the criminal military junta with a shield from international accountability.

SEANF’s credibility must be grounded in international human rights standards

SEANF’s credibility as a regional network of National Human Rights Institutions (NHRIs) depends on its commitment to the standards it seeks to promote. As a mechanism established to strengthen human rights protection in Southeast Asia, SEANF must ensure that its membership and leadership are consistent with the principles of independence, pluralism, and effectiveness enshrined in the UN Paris Principles.

Providing leadership roles to institutions that no longer meet these standards risks undermining confidence in SEANF among civil society organizations, human rights defenders, and communities affected by human rights violations.

MNHRC’s failure to comply with the Paris Principles

MNHRC’s continued membership and its boldness of seeking to assume the SEANF Chairship raise serious concerns regarding the Forum’s commitment to international minimum NHRI standards.

Following a review by the GANHRI Sub-Committee on Accreditation (SCA), MNHRC’s “B” status accreditation was removed in December 2024 due to its failure to comply with the UN Paris Principles. The SCA raised serious concerns regarding MNHRC’s independence, its failure to effectively fulfil its mandate following the military’s 2021 illegal coup attempt, inadequate engagement with civil society and the international human rights system, and concerns regarding its appointment process and being complicit in the military junta’s human rights violations and atrocity crimes.

Following the removal of its accreditation, MNHRC’s membership in GANHRI was formally removed in March 2025, and the Asia Pacific Forum of National Human Rights Institutions (APF) subsequently removed MNHRC from its membership in May 2025.

These decisions clearly demonstrate that MNHRC no longer meets the standards expected of an independent and effective NHRI. Civil society organizations have consistently called upon SEANF to take similar action and remove MNHRC from its network in order to uphold the integrity of regional NHRI mechanisms and to avoid the risk of being complicit in the MNHRC’s protection of the perpetrators.

MNHRC has failed to protect human rights in Myanmar

Since the 2021 illegal military coup attempt, MNHRC has failed to act as an independent institution capable of protecting victims and holding perpetrators accountable for widespread and systematic human rights violations committed by the Myanmar military.

Rather than independently investigating and addressing violations, MNHRC has failed to challenge the actions of the military junta or provide effective protection or access to justice to victims of serious violations, including arbitrary detention, torture, sexual violence, deaths in custody, enforced disappearances, massacres and airstrikes and ground attacks against civilians, including children.

Through its actions and omissions, MNHRC has contributed to efforts by the military junta to project an appearance of human rights oversight while failing to provide any accountability and protection for victims and survivors.

Increased public engagements cannot restore lost legitimacy

The undersigned organizations are further concerned that MNHRC has recently increased its public engagements and international outreach despite losing recognition within the international NHRI system.

Its reported engagements–including a meeting with the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) on 17 July 2026 and with the Commissioner for Human Rights of the Russian Federation on 10 July–appear designed to increase its international visibility in the military junta’s post-sham-election rebrand in civilian disguise. However, public engagements cannot substitute for genuine independence, accountability, and compliance with the Paris Principles.

The Russian Commissioner for Human Rights has also faced serious scrutiny within the international NHRI community, including the removal of its accreditation following GANHRI-SCA findings concerning its compliance with the Paris Principles and its response to serious human rights violations in the context of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine.

SEANF members must ensure none of their engagements are used to normalize MNHRC’s role within regional and international human rights spaces without addressing the fundamental concerns that led to the removal of its accreditation and memberships.

SEANF must act to protect its integrity

Allowing MNHRC to assume the SEANF Chairship would cause a public outcry and severely damage the credibility and public trust required for the Forum to function effectively. Civil society organizations and human rights defenders cannot meaningfully engage with a regional mechanism that provides leadership to an institution acting as a smokescreen for a criminal military junta. This junta has been found by the international NHRI community to be non-compliant with the Paris Principles and has failed to protect the human rights of Myanmar’s peoples.

We therefore call upon SEANF members to prevent MNHRC from assuming the Chairship of SEANF in 2027 and to take immediate steps towards its formal removal from the Forum. SEANF must ensure that its membership and leadership positions are held only by institutions that demonstrate independence, credibility, and genuine commitment to human rights protection, while taking concrete measures to safeguard its integrity as a credible and effective regional platform for human rights cooperation and advancement.

For more information, please contact:

  • The CSO Working Group on Independent National Human Rights Institution (Burma/Myanmar); WG_NHRI@protonmail.com
  • Asian NGO Network on National Human Rights Institutions Secretariat, FORUM-ASIA; anni@forum-asia.org

Signed by 146 civil society organizations, including one organization that has chosen not to disclose its name:

  1. 5/ Lapantang Strike Column
  2. 5/ of Zaya State  Strike Committee
  3. A New Burma (ANB)
  4. Action Committee for Democracy Development (ACDD)
  5. Activate Rights, Bangladesh
  6. Akila India Kattida Thozilalargal Madhya Sangam (AIKTMS) INDIA
  7. All India Network of NGOs and Individuals Working with National and State Human Rights Institutions (AiNNI)
  8. Alternative ASEAN Network on Burma (ALTSEAN-BURMA)
  9. Anti-Junta Alliance Yangon – AJAY
  10. Anti-junta Forces Coordination Committee – Mandalay (AFCC – Mandalay)
  11. Anyar Pyit Taing Htaung Lay Myar Strike Committee
  12. Asia Democracy Network (ADN)
  13. Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
  14. Asia Human Rights and Labour Advocates (AHRLA)
  15. Asian Cultural Forum on Development (ACFOD)
  16. Asian NGO Network on National Human Rights Institutions (ANNI)
  17. Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
  18. Association of Human Rights Defenders and Promoters (HRDP)
  19. Athan – Freedom of Expression Activist Organization
  20. Awaz Foundation Pakistan: Centre for Development Services (AwazCDS-Pakistan)
  21. Ayadaw Strike Committee
  22. Bali Legal Aid (YLBHI/LBH Bali)
  23. Bhawan Nirman Karmakar Majdoor Union (BNKMU)
  24. Budalin Strike Force
  25. Building and wood Workers Trade Union Federation of Cambodia (BWTUC)
  26. Building and Woodworkers International (BWI)
  27. Burma Action Ireland
  28. Burma Campaign UK (BCUK)
  29. Burma Human Rights Network
  30. Burma Monitor
  31. Burma Solidarity Philippines (BSP)
  32. Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK)
  33. Burmese Women’s Union (BWU)
  34. Bytes For All, Pakistan
  35. Campaign for Popular Democracy
  36. CDM Medical Network (CDMMN)
  37. Centre for Human Rights and Development, Mongolia
  38. Chindwin Riverside Villages Strike Committee
  39. Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW)
  40. CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation
  41. Civil Information Network (CIN)
  42. Civil Rights Defenders (CRD)
  43. Civil Society and Human Rights Network, Afghanistan (CSHRN)
  44. Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (KontraS), Indonesia
  45. Construction Workers Union of NTUF (CWU-NTUF)
  46. Creative Home (CH)
  47. CSO Working Group on Independent National Human Rights Institution (Burma/Myanmar)
  48. Dagon University Student’s Union (DUSU)
  49. Defence of Human Rights, Pakistan
  50. Dignity, Kazakhstan
  51. Educational Initiatives Prague
  52. Equality Myanmar (EQMM)
  53. Ethnic Youth General Strike Committee (Mandalay)
  54. Federation of Basic Education Worker Unions (FBEWU)
  55. Federation of Free Worker (FFW)
  56. Future Light Center (FLC)
  57. General Strike Collaboration Committee (GSCC)
  58. General Strike Coordination Body – GSCB
  59. Generation Wave (GW)
  60. Greater Equitable Measures (GEM), Malaysia
  61. Hpakant Hmawlae Strike Force
  62. Human Rights Alert, India
  63. Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM)
  64. Humanitarian Solidarity for the People of Myanmar (SKRM)
  65. IMPARSIAL, the Indonesian Human Rights Monitor.
  66. Independent Educators Union (INERU Indonesia)
  67. Indonesian Airport Workers Union Federation (FSPBI/ITF)
  68. Info Birmanie
  69. International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH)
  70. Joint Action for NHRI and OP in Japan, Japan
  71. Judicial System Monitoring Program, Timor-Leste
  72. Justice & Equality Focus (JEF)
  73. Kachin Women’s Association Thailand (KWAT)
  74. Kalay Township People’s Strike Steering Committee -KPSSC
  75. Kani Township Strike Steering Committee
  76. Kantbalu Township Strike Force
  77. Karapatan Alliance Philippines
  78. Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG)
  79. Karen Women’s Organization (KWO)
  80. Karenni Human Rights Group (KnHRG)
  81. Karenni National Women’s Organization (KNWO)
  82. Keng Tung Youth
  83. Korean House of International Solidarity
  84. Koreksi.org (independent media)
  85. Kyae Lak Myay
  86. Latpadaung Anti-coup Strike Force
  87. Latpadaung Region Strike Committee
  88. Law & Society Trust (LST), Sri Lanka
  89. LGBT Alliance Myanmar
  90. Loka Ahlinn
  91. Madhya Pradesh Theka Shramik Mazdoor Congress (MPTSMC)
  92. Magway People’s Revolution Committee
  93. Maldivian Democracy Network (MDN)
  94. Mandalay Medical Family (MFM)
  95. Mandalay Strike Force (MSF)
  96. Marsinah.Id (independent media)
  97. MayMyo Strike Force
  98. Metta Campaign Mandalay
  99. Monywa People’s Strike Steering Committee
  100. Monywa-Amyint Road Strike Committee
  101. Myanmar Labour Alliance (MLA)
  102. Myanmar People Alliance (Shan State)
  103. Myanmar Women, Peace and Security (M-WPS)
  104. Myaung People Strike Steering Committee
  105. Myingyan Civilian Movement Committee
  106. National Union of Building and Construction Workers (NUBCW)
  107. Network for Human Rights Documentation – Burma (ND-Burma)
  108. Odhikar, Bangladesh
  109. Pale People’s Strike Steering Committee
  110. People’s Empowerment Foundation,Thailand
  111. Politics for Women Myanmar
  112. Progressive Voice (PV)
  113. Pusat KOMAS, Malaysia
  114. Refugee and Migratory Movements Research Unit (RMMRU), Bangladesh
  115. Rohingya Maìyafuìnor Collaborative Network (RMCN)
  116. RW Welfare society (RWWS)
  117. Sabah Timber Industry Employees Union (STIEU)
  118. Shan MATA
  119. Shwebo Strike Force
  120. Spirit in Education Movement (SEM),Thailand
  121. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM)
  122. Surabaya Legal Aid (YLBHI/LBH Surabaya)
  123. Sushil Pyakurel, Nepal
  124. Synergy – Social Harmony Organization
  125. Ta’ang Women’s Organization (TWO)
  126. Taiwan Association for Human Rights
  127. Tamilnadu Congress Thozhilalar Union (TCTU), India
  128. Task Force Detainees of the Philippines
  129. Thai Action Committee for Democracy in Burma (TACDB)
  130. The Awakening, Pakistan
  131. The Federation of people union (SERBUK) Indonesia
  132. Union for Forestry Employees Sarawak (UFES)
  133. University of Medicine Mandalay Student Union Revolutionary Front – UMMSURF
  134. University Students’ Unions Alumni Force
  135. US Campaign for Burma
  136. Uttar pradesh Gramin Mazdoor Sangthan (Upgms)
  137. Wetlet Strike Committee
  138. White Coat Society Yangon (WCSY)
  139. Women Advocacy Coalition – Myanmar (WAC-M)
  140. Women Alliance Burma (WAB)
  141. Women’s Peace Network
  142. Women’s Rehabilitation Center (WOREC), Nepal
  143. Yadanabon University Students’ Union (YDNBUSU)
  144. Yinmarbin-Sarlingyi All Villages People Strike Leading Committee
  145. Youth Resources Strike Committee – Chaung U Township

Myanmar military escalates civilian killings, monitor warns, amid diplomatic push

By Reuters

  • Summary
  • Surge in violence linked to new military chief’s tactics — ACLED
  • Conflict monitor records more than a dozen mass killings in 2026, over 450 civilians dead
  • Former junta chief turned president Min Aung ​Hlaing to visit Thailand on August 6 to 7

July 27 (Reuters) – Myanmar’s military has sharply escalated attacks on civilians since a ‌new administration took office in the war-torn country, a conflict monitor said on Monday, even as regional governments ramp up diplomatic engagement.

The Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED) said the onslaught was a result of the tactics deployed by Myanmar’s new military chief who took over in late March as his ​predecessor prepared to become the country’s president.

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“Since the ruling junta in Myanmar reconfigured its military command structure in March, ​civilians have been subject to the military’s worsening repression and intensified aerial bombing campaign,” ACLED said.

“These adjustments ⁠included the regular deployment of specialised groups of two to five jet fighters executing sustained airstrikes against single targets.”

A Myanmar government ​spokesperson did not immediately respond to questions from Reuters.

ACLED gathers data on Myanmar’s ongoing conflict from media reports and local partners, as ​well as reports by the UN, international monitoring groups and local human rights organisations.

Myanmar was plunged into turmoil after the military ousted Aung San Suu Kyi‘s elected government in February 2021, sparking a civil war that has killed some 100,000 people and displaced millions.

Days before becoming president after an election that banned most opposition, ​Min Aung Hlaing appointed long-time loyalist and former spymaster Ye Win Oo as the military’s new commander-in-chief.

Under his command, the military has launched renewed ​offensives into several border regions, including a frontier area with critical rare earth deposits and other vital trade routes.

“Reprieve for civilians is unlikely as ‌the junta ⁠focuses its efforts on consolidating control following coup leader Min Aung Hlaing’s transition from commander of the military to civilian president in April,” ACLED said.

https://www.reuters.com/graphics/MYANMAR-CONFLICT/klvyobgorvg/media-embed.html

MASS KILLINGS

During the first half of 2026, ACLED said it recorded more than a dozen mass killings, resulting in over 450 civilian fatalities, around 40% of them in Myanmar’s central dry zone known as the Anyar region.

In May, hundreds of junta troops ​swept through parts of Myit ​Chay township, across the river ⁠from the ancient temples of Bagan, killing at least 40 people, three residents of the area told Reuters.

“About 700 soldiers came into the town, grabbed the belongings of the people here and then ​beat them and killed them,” said Ye Naung, 35.

Reuters could not independently verify accounts of the ​incident at Myit ⁠Chay, which is part of ACLED’s event database with at least five fatalities and was reported by local media.

“The military’s tactics in 2026 so far show merely shifting modalities of civilian repression rather than any reduction in its severity,” ACLED said.

The political transition in Myanmar has triggered ⁠a flurry ​of diplomacy, with Min Aung Hlaing travelling to key neighbours India and China.

There has also ​been tentative re-engagement with the 11-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations bloc, which barred Myanmar’s ruling generals from its summits after the coup.

Min Aung Hlaing will make an official ​visit to Thailand on August 6 to 7, as he pushes for further legitimacy.

(This story has been refiled to add Reuters to the dateline)

Reporting by Reuters staff; Editing by Devjyot Ghoshal and Kate Mayberry

KWAT 2025 yearly activity report

“We are pleased to share with you KWAT’s 2025 Annual Report, which highlights our efforts to promote the rights, safety, and dignity of women and communities affected by conflict in Kachin and Northern Shan States.”

UN Special Envoy on Myanmar calls for release of Aung San Suu Kyi

The United Nations Special Envoy on Myanmar, Julie Bishop, delivered a scathing indictment of Myanmar over five years after the military coup on Feb. 1, 2021, to the U.N. General Assembly in New York City on June 19.

Bishop’s address at U.N. Headquarters coincided with the 81st birthday of jailed democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi. The former Australian Foreign Minister presented a grim report on the complete breakdown of the rule of law across regime-controlled Myanmar.

A grim list of international records

In her speech to U.N. member states, Bishop painted a picture of a collapsing nation where deep-seated instability has created a sprawling vacuum exploited by transnational criminal organizations.

Instead of a localized civil crisis, Bishop warned that the consequences are actively bleeding past Myanmar’s borders with devastating global implications. According to her findings, Myanmar is now setting global records for human suffering and criminality:

  • Global Cybercrime Syndicate: The country has mutated into an unchecked hub for industrial-scale online scam compounds. Trafficking networks feeding these compounds have expanded into Africa, targeting victims globally across the United States, Asia, and Europe.
  • Narcotics and Landmines: Myanmar has become a primary international supplier of high-grade methamphetamine and opium, while simultaneously ranking as the world’s leading source of landmine casualties.
  • The Toll on Children: Bishop revealed that 2025 was officially recorded as the deadliest year for children in Myanmar since the 2021 coup, with state-sponsored airstrikes identified as the leading cause of youth casualties.
  • Severe Hunger & Displacement: The country has plunged into the world’s top six most critical hunger hotspots. More than 3.7 million citizens are internally displaced, with an additional 1.6 million seeking refuge across the region—including 1.2 million stateless Rohingya in Bangladesh.

Exposing the 2025-26 ‘sham’ elections

The Special Envoy used her address to firmly dismiss Naypyidaw’s claims that a transition to civilian normalcy is underway. Bishop walked member states through the political maneuvering orchestrated over the last six months.

A three-phase general election concluded on Jan. 25, resulting in a predictable landslide victory for the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP)—the political proxy of the military.

When combined with the 25 per cent of parliamentary seats constitutionally locked for military appointees, Bishop noted the process further entrenched the military’s grip over the population rather than offering a path toward democracy.

Timeline (2026)
├── January: Mock polling concludes; military proxy party (USDP) claims landslide
├── March: Military legislature appoints Min Aung Hlaing as "Political Leader"
└── April: Min Aung Hlaing assumes Presidency, stepping back as Commander-in-Chief

Bishop clarified that the U.N. completely refused to support, fund, or observe the electoral process in Myanmar.

“Many on the ground described tight security, a reduced electorate, the exclusion of major political parties, low turnout, and polls conducted in the midst of an ongoing armed conflict,” Bishop reported.

“The overall outcome is viewed by Myanmar’s stakeholders as a consolidation of power for the military, not a transition to civilian government.”

Demanding ‘Proof of Life’ for Aung San Suu Kyi

Bishop addressed her fourth diplomatic mission to Myanmar, where she met with regime leader Min Aung Hlaing. She noted that while he sought goodwill through the recent release of President Win Myint, his continued isolation of other elected officials is unacceptable.

Focusing heavily on the 81st birthday of Aung San Suu Kyi, Bishop demanded that international actors stop engaging with the regime in Naypyidaw based strictly on economic self-interest while the country’s elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi is hidden from view.

“There have been no independent, verifiable reports of her circumstances for years. Today, on her 81st birthday, I urge others to join with me in calling for her release. In the eyes of many, there can be no progress to peace while ever State Counsellor Daw Suu is held prisoner.”

The UN vows to ‘stay and deliver’

Looking forward, Bishop emphasized the critical importance of regional cohesion, highlighting her ongoing collaboration with the 2026 Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) chair the Philippines’ Special Envoy Theresa Lazaro, and looking ahead to Singapore’s 2027 chairmanship.

Despite escalating hate speech against refugees, intense military operations, and the compounding structural trauma of the catastrophic 2025 Myanmar earthquake, Bishop concluded her briefing with a firm message that the international body would not withdraw its aid networks.

“The calls of the General Assembly and Security Council have been ignored,” Bishop stated. “But the United Nations, through its agencies, funds, and programs, will stay and deliver in Myanmar despite immense challenges. The international community must remain steadfast in solidarity with the people of Myanmar and be guided by their appeals for help.”

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