SITUATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS OVERVIEW IN BURMA (January – April 2020)

COVID-19 & HUMAN RIGHTS

As cases of COVID-19 spread globally,
there are legitimate concerns that the response in Burma will be rooted in a militarised approach. Burma has formed an emergency task force with military and civilian ministries to support measures around law enforcement and stability and to step up government efforts to respond to the pandemic in the country.

However, these efforts have been met with caution as it appears the Burma Army is only interested in preserving their power through any means possible. The military has their own budget and facilities for health and care, which are inaccessible to the majority of the population. It has been made clear that the military is well prepared to protect themselves from COVID-19, though the same cannot be said for civilians.

Despite a government plan and commitment to provide basic essentials
to poor people to fight COVID-19 including, rice, oil, salt, bean and onion, to those in need during the traditional Thingyan water festival, civil society organisations (CSOs) are worried this is not enough. Government assistance should include Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) as well.

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Blue Shirt Campaign on 6thAnniversary of Journalist U Win Tin’s Death

Blue Shirt Campaign on 6thAnniversary of Journalist U Win Tin’s Death

Dear Friends,

20 April 2020

#BlueShirt4Burma #BlueShirtDay

The coronavirus COVID-19 is affecting over one million people around the world and over 100,000 people have lost their lives. In Burma, the number of COVID-19 infections has surged to 111 in total and Burma has been making its extreme effort to curb the Pandemic. Civil Society Organizations including Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) also called for consideration of prisons and detention centers and release political prisoners in the process of containing COVID-19. And also, the State released 24869 prisoners including 18 political prisoners for the purpose of reducing the overcrowded population of prisons.

However, there are 58 convicted political prisoners and 126 detained activists facing trial inside prisons while 394 outside prison. Among those, some were arrested for claiming their rights and some criticizing the government and military leaders while others are ethnics leaders and peasants.

There is less pressure from leaders and individuals of other countries on the Burma government to release political prisoners because they would be the opinion that there are no political prisoners in Burma.

To change those opinions, we need the help of our friends to show that there are still political prisoners in Burma.

U Win Tin was one of Burma’s most well-known respectable and honorable man. He served nearly 20 years in prison and after his release he pledged to keep wearing his blue shirt until all political prisoners were released. On 21 April 2020, it has been six years long since his death. Therefore, on this very day, let’s wear a blue shirt together with us as calling for the unconditional release of all political prisoners.

Please join us and from now on, note in your diary to wear a blue shirt every 21st of April. And, please prompt your friends to wear and post a picture of yourself on Facebook and other social media using the hashtag: #blueshirt4burma.

The presence of political prisoners should not be forgetful and there should not be any political prisoners.

We would be grateful for your cooperation.

Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)

#BlueShirt4Burma #BlueShirtDay

Myanmar military steps up attacks as coronavirus spreads

Tatmadaw steps up attacks in Rakhine despite epidemic, killing more than 40 people in April alone, say rights group.

Yangon, Myanmar – As deaths from the new coronavirus mounted in South Korea, Iran and Italy in early March, Myanmar’s military called off grand plans to mark the 75th anniversary of its World War II revolt against Japanese forces. Instead, the Tatmadaw, as the military is known, deployed soldiers to disinfect hospitals and announced it would set up quarantine facilities to treat infected patients.

But rights groups say the Tatmadaw is doing little where it counts – ending the long-running ethnic conflicts in Myanmar’s border states, where some armed groups have called for a ceasefire to focus on the battle against the coronavirus.

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“While the country is dealing with the COVID-19 pandemic, the military is escalating its offensives against ethnic armed groups in Rakhine, Chin, Karen and northern Shan state,” said Naw Hser Hser, general-secretary of the Women’s League of Burma.

“This needs to stop,” said the Hpa-an based activist. “We need to work together. Nobody can do it alone.”

In northern Shan state and in eastern Kayin state, where the Tatmadaw has for decades battled armed groups seeking more independence from the Burmese-dominated central government, reports of attacks and rights abuses by the military continue.

And in the impoverished western states of Rakhine and Chin, the Tatmadaw has stepped up its campaign against the Arakan Army, a rebel group seeking greater autonomy for ethnic Rakhine people.

The unrest continues even as the United Nations urges an end to conflict worldwide, and despite calls for a nationwide ceasefire from armed groups, diplomats and civil society groups, many of whom are worried the coronavirus outbreak in Myanmar could be catastrophic given the poor state of its healthcare system and lack of capacity to carry out testing. The country has recorded 74 cases so far.

On April 1, major ethnic armed groups in Shan and Rakhine states, including the Arakan Army, offered to extend a unilateral ceasefire until the end of the month because of the coronavirus outbreak, while groups in Kayin state, formerly known as Karen state, also urged the Tatmadaw to declare a nationwide ceasefire.

But the Tatmadaw, which had declared the Arakan Army a “terrorist group”, called the proposal “unrealistic”, with Brigadier General Zaw Min Tun criticising the groups for allegedly failing to heed the army’s previous calls for ceasefires.

On Monday, photos of dead bodies scattered on a road in Kyauk Seik village in Rakhine state circulated on the internet. Activists say eight villagers were killed after being struck by shells fired from a military base. The Tatmadaw called the allegation “fake news”.

But Thar Doe Aung, who lost three of his nephews in the attack, rejected the military’s claim. “It’s not fake news. Only we who suffered know what happened,” he told Al Jazeera over the telephone.

“We buried all of them in one grave,” he said of his nephews. “My sister is going crazy.”

The residents of Kyauk Seik have now fled their homes, said Thar Doe Aung.

A similar attack in Chin state on April 7 killed seven people, including a three-year-old.

‘I don’t feel safe here’

The Arakan Information Center, a Malaysia-based organisation that has been monitoring the conflict since it escalated last year, said it has documented 121 civilian deaths this year. In the first half of April alone, it registered 45 deaths.

The figures represent a sharp increase compared with last year – a total of 140 civilians were killed in 2019. Access to the area is restricted making it difficult to independently verify the information.

“The military seizes the opportunity to carry out their operations while the international community is busy combatting the coronavirus,” said Nyi Nyi Lwin who runs the Arakan Information Center.

“We’ve seen helicopters and fighter jets deliberately attack civilians in order to weaken the support for the Arakan Army,” he said, adding that he expected the fighting to get worse in the coming weeks as the Tatmadaw may have to scale down operations during the monsoon season, which begins in May.

“In Rakhine state, people feel anxiety and uncertainty because of COVID-19, but what they fear most is the fighting,” said Nyi Nyi Lwin.

One 49-year-old woman from Mrauk Oo in Rakhine state, who was injured in an attack last year, said she has sought refuge in her neighbour’s bunker – a suffocating hole in the ground – several times because of the fighting.

“I don’t feel safe living here,” she said over the telephone.

Myanmar military
A bunker in downtown Mrauk Oo downtown, in September 2019 [File: Verena Hoelzl/Al Jazeera]

Meanwhile, the UN refugee agency said it has “observed a sharp upward trend in civilian casualties” since February.

In a statement on March 27, the agency said at least 21 civilians were killed amid clashes on the border between Rakhine and Chin states earlier in March, while an additional 10,000 people were displaced in Rakhine in that period alone. The UN humanitarian office said a total of 70,000 people have been displaced in the fighting between the military and the Arakan Army in the past 12 months, most of them since December last year.

Renewed chaos

Observers say the conflict between the Arakan Army and the military has brought new chaos to the impoverished region from where more than 730,000 Rohingya fled a bloody military crackdown in 2017.

The rising death toll and displacement has prompted concern, with 139 civil society organisations issuing a joint statement on Wednesday, calling for the immediate protection of those who have nothing to do with the fighting.

“The current targeting of innocent civilians in the conflict between the Arakan Army and the Myanmar military amounts to war crimes and must immediately cease,” the statement said.

The US State Department also said it “is deeply troubled by the escalating violence in Rakhine and Chin states”.

But military spokesman Zaw Min Tun blamed the uptick in violence on the Arakan Army. Soldiers stationed in Rakhine state have been “helping, taking care of and protecting” civilians for decades, he told Al Jazeera.

“Before the AA emerged, Rakhine state was peaceful,” he said, referring to the Rakhine rebel group by its acronym. “Once the AA emerged, we have fighting … Because of the fighting, there are IDPs.”

Myanmar Yangon
A woman shops at a local bazaar in Yangon, Myanmar’s commercial capital, in March 2020 [File: Thein Zaw/ AP Photo]

Even outside of Myanmar’s many battlefields, there has been a rise in the harassment and prosecution of journalists and blocking of websites reporting on ethnic conflicts in recent weeks.

Nay Myo Lin, Mandalay-based editor-in-chief of Voice of Myanmar was charged with terrorism after publishing an interview with a spokesman from the Arakan Army.

Police also raided the offices of Rakhine-based Narinjara and briefly detained three of the outlet’s journalists on March 31 over interviews with the rebels. Its website was also blocked on charges of spreading “fake news”.

Meanwhile, mobile internet in several townships in Rakhine and Chin, where fighting is going on, has almost continuously been shut down since June last year, a move aid workers say makes it more difficult to fight the coronavirus.

‘Running from the military’

Elsewhere in Myanmar, civil society groups have accused the military of engaging in abuses that hamper efforts to fight the virus.

“Communities are now being threatened by both the pandemic and serious human right violations,” organisations representing the Ta’ang minority in northern Shan state said on April 8. The groups said they had documented 18 cases of arbitrary arrest, torture, and forced portering for the military in March, including an instance in which a villager died after stepping on a landmine.

In southeastern Myanmar, human rights groups said they have observed abuses, too.

“The military is burning agricultural land and threatening villagers in an area where they want to build a road,” said Naw Hser Hser from the Women’s League of Burma. “Instead of worrying about the coronavirus, villagers are on the run from the military.”

Attacks in eastern Kayin state, parts of which are under the control of the Karen National Union, include a March 31 incident in which soldiers killed a 56-year-old man returning from a shopping trip and a March 5 incident in which soldiers killed a forest ranger, according to a monitoring group.

“At a time when everyone needs to work together to fight the coronavirus pandemic, the government of Burma and the Burma Army seem to see the global focus on the pandemic as an opportunity to further crack down on ethnic people,” said Naw Htoo Htoo, a spokeswoman for the Karen Peace Support Network.

“Until the international community force the military and the government to pay a price for killing and oppressing our people, they will continue to do so,” she said.

Cape Diamond reported from Yangon, Myanmar, and Verena Hoelzl reported from Bangkok, Thailand.

Aljazeera

Joint-Statement Civil Society Organizations Calls for Immediate Protection of Civilians in Armed Conflict in Myanmar

15 April 2020
We, the undersigned civil society organizations and individual call for the protection of civilians in armed conflict in Myanmar and for the State to comply with its obligations under the Geneva Conventions and UN Security Council Resolutions 1265, 1296 and 1325. The current targeting of innocent civilians in the conflict between the Arakan Army (AA) and the Myanmar military amounts to war crimes and must immediately cease.
The conflict between the Myanmar military and the AA has displaced up to 150,000 people in Rakhine and Chin States since 2018 and its impacts are being felt most keenly by innocent civilians. In the past 30 days alone, 28 villagers in Chin State, have sadly died as a result of the conflict. The Myanmar military has been deliberately targeting civilians through the use of airstrikes from fighter jets. On 7 April 2020, airstrikes on the village of Hnang Chaung Village, Paletwa Township, in Chin State by two Myanmar military fighter jets killed seven people, injuring eight more and burning several houses to the ground. Among the victims were two children, a mother and a baby. This was the second airstrike within one week, as more civilians were injured during an attack on Bawngwa Village on 31 March. Last month, on 14 and 15 of March, multiple attacks on several villages in Paletwa Township killed 21 civilians, again including children.
These attacks have been conducted with total disregard for civilian life and would constitute indiscriminate attacks or even direct targeting of civilian population. Common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions specifically prohibits “violence to life and person, in particular murder of all kinds” of civilians and persons hors de combat. In addition, “wilful killing” of protected persons is listed as a grave breach under all four Geneva Conventions, which Myanmar ratified in 1992. Thus, targeting innocent civilians, such as the airstrikes on villages in Paletwa Township, can be considered a serious violation of international humanitarian law and customs, which constitutes as war crimes under the Rome Statue.
Furthermore, UN Security Resolutions 1265 and 1296 addresses the protection of civilians in armed conflict. Resolution 1265 “Strongly condemns the deliberate targeting of civilians in situations of armed conflict as well as attacks on objects protected under international law, and calls on all parties to put an end to such practices” while also emphasizing “the responsibility of States to end impunity and to prosecute those responsible for genocide, crimes against humanity and serious violations of international humanitarian law.”
Additionally, UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security, “Calls on all parties to armed conflict to take special measures to protect women and girls from gender-based violence, particularly rape and other forms of sexual abuse, and all other forms of violence in situations of armed conflict.” This is especially salient in the case of Myanmar, which has repeatedly used sexual violence in armed conflict for decades. Related to this the Joint Communique that the Myanmar government and the United Nations Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Sexual Violence in Conflict signed in December 2018 has not been brought to women from the conflict affected areas for consultation while the ongoing sexual and gender-based violence committed by the Myanmar military in ethnic areas flies in the face of any supposed commitment of the government in signing such Joint Communique with the UN’s SRSG’s office in the first place.
Finally, the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), which Myanmar has ratified, recognizes “that every child has an inherent right to life” and Myanmar must ensure to the “maximum extent possible the survival and development of the child.” As a state party to the Geneva Conventions and the CRC, and as a UN member state, Myanmar has an obligation to comply with these instruments of international law.
Meanwhile, the Association of Southeast Asian Nation’s (ASEAN) reluctance to become substantively involved is a missed opportunity for the block to play a key role in resolving the increasing escalation of violence. Rather than standing idly by and endorsing the narrative of the Myanmar government, ASEAN can seek to couple its humanitarian initiatives with engaging the government in addressing root causes of violence, while utilizing their good offices to seek a solution to the ongoing violence that is affecting countries beyond the borders of Myanmar.
As the whole world is taking measures to protect against the coronavirus pandemic, the targeting of innocent civilians in southern Chin State, through the use of airstrikes and other military operations, is causing tragic and unnecessary loss that amount to war crimes. It must end immediately. These war crimes are a blatant contravention to the Geneva Conventions and are destroying communities. We urge the immediate end to all attacks that target civilians and to protect the lives of innocent people.
For more information, please contact:
• Salai Lian, Chin Human Rights Organization, +95 945 068 7296, info@chinhumanrights.org
• Khin Ohmar, Progressive Voice, +1 571 992 8395, khinohmar@progressive-voice.org
• East Asia and ASEAN Programme, FORUM-ASIA, ea-asean@forum-asia.org
• Marc Batac, Initiatives for International Dialogue, +63 945 274 8214, marc@iidnet.org
ထပ်မံသိရှိလိုပါက ဆက်သွယ်ရန်
• Salai Lian, Chin Human Rights Organization, +95 945 068 7296, info@chinhumanrights.org
• Khin Ohmar, Progressive Voice, +1 571 992 8395, khinohmar@progressive-voice.org
• East Asia and ASEAN Programme, FORUM-ASIA, ea-asean@forum-asia.org
• Marc Batac, Initiatives for International Dialogue, +63 945 274 8214, marc@iidnet.org
ပါဝင်ထောက်ခံလက်မှတ်ထိုးသူများ –
1. Alliance for Conflict Transformation (ACT), Cambodia
2. ALTSEAN-Burma
3. Asian Resource Foundation (ARF), Thailand
4. ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR)
5. Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
6. ASEAN SOGIE Caucus
7. Association of Women for Awareness and Motivation (AWAM), Pakistan
8. AwazCDS-Pakistan
9. Banglar Manabadhikar Suraksha Mancha, (MASUM), India
10. Balay Alternative Legal Advocates for Development in Mindanaw (Balaod Mindanaw), the Philippines
11. Bodhigram, India
12. Burma Campaign UK (BCUK)
13. Bytes For All, Pakistan
14. Cambodian Civil Society Partnership (CCSP), Cambodia
15. Cambodian Human Rights and Development Association (ADHOC), Cambodia
16. Center for Human Rights and Development (CHRD), Mongolia
17. Centre for Communication and Development Studies (CCDS), India
18. Center for Conflict Resolution (CECORE), Uganda
19. Center for Peace Education-Miriam College, the Philippines
20. Civil and Human Rights Network (CSHRN), Afghanistan
21. Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW)
22. Civil Rights Defenders (CRD)
23. Coalition for Integrity and Social Accountability (CISA), Cambodia
24. Covenants Watch, Taiwan
25. Community Resource Centre Foundation (CRC), Thailand
26. Centre for the Sustainable Use of Natural and Social Resources (CSNR), India
27. Community Self Reliance Centre (CSRC), Nepal
28. Desaparecidos, the Philippines
29. Global Partnership for the Prevention of Armed Conflict (GPPAC)
30. Global Partnership for the Prevention of Armed Conflict (GPPAC)-Southeast
31. Global Partnership for the Prevention of Armed Conflict (GPPAC)-North America
32. Globe International Center (GIC), Mongolia
33. GZO Peace Institute, Philippines
34. HAK Association, Timor Leste
35. Hustisya, Philippines
36. IM Center for Peace and Dialogue, Indonesia
37. Info-Birmanie, France
38. INFORM Human Rights Documentation Centre, Colombo, Sri Lanka
39. Initiatives for International Dialogue (IID), Philippines
40. JANANEETHI, India
41. Justice, Peace and Integrity of Creation (JPIC), Roma, Italia
42. Karapatan Alliance Philippines
43. Kazakhstan International Bureau for Human Rights and the Rule of Law (KIBHR)
44. KontraS (Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence), Indonesia
45. Korean House for International Solidarity
46. Legal Aid Foundation Indonesia
47. Maldivian Democracy Network (MDN)
48. The Mekong Butterfly, Thailand
49. MONFEMNET National Network, Mongolia
50. Odhikar, Bangladesh
51. Oyu Tolgoi Watch, Mongolia
52. Pax Christi Pilipinas, the Philippines
53. People’s Watch, India
54. People’s Empowerment Foundation (PEF), Thailand
55. Philippine Alliance of Human Rights Advocates (PAHRA)
56. Public Association “Dignity”, Kazakhstan
57. Pusat KOMAS, Malaysia
58. People’s Vigilance Committee on Human Rights (PVCHR), India
59. Refugee and Migratory Movements Research Unit (RMMRU), University of Dhaka, Bangladesh
60. Research and Education for Peace, Universiti Sains Malaysia (REPUSM), Malaysia
61. Recourse, Netherlands
62. Right to Life Human Rights Centre, Sri Lanka
63. Rivers without Boundaries Mongolia
64. Samahan ng Ex-detainees Laban sa Detensyon at Aresto (Society of Ex-Detainees against Detention and Arrests in the Philippines)
65. South India Cell for Human Rights Education and Monitoring (SICHREM)
66. Southeast Asia Conflict Studies Network (SEACSN), Malaysia
67. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM), Malaysia
68. Swedish Burma Committee (SBC), Sweden
69. Tanggol Bayi (Defend Women), Philippines
70. Think Center, Singapore
71. Task Force Detainees of the Philippines (TFDP)
72. Vietnamese Women for Human Rights (VNWHR)
73. Witness Radio Organisation, Uganda
74. Youth for Peace (YFP), Cambodia
75. Action Committee for Democracy Development (ACDD), Burma/Myanmar
76. Athan – Freedom of Expression Activist Organization, Burma/Myanmar
77. Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), Burma/Myanmar
78. Association of Human Rights Defenders and Promoters (HRDP), Burma/Myanmar
79. Australia Chin Federation (ACF)
80. Burmese Women’s Union (BWU), Burma/Myanmar
81. Center of Development and Ethnic Studies (CDES), Burma/Myanmar
82. Chin American Association (CAA)
83. Chin Christian Council in Australia (CCCA)
84. Chin Human Rights Organization (CHRO), Burma/Myanmar
85. Chin Youth Organization of North America (CYONA)
86. Chinbridge Institute (CI), Burma/Myanmar
87. Chin Community in Norway (CCN)
88. Chin Community of Indiana (CCI), USA
89. Central Chin Youth Organization (CCYO), Burma/Myanmar
90. Chin Civil Society Network (CCSN), Burma/Myanmar
91. Chin Literature and Culture Committee (Universities – Yangon), Burma/Myanmar
92. Chin Refugee Committee (Delhi), India
93. Chin Student Union, Burma/Myanmar
94. Chin Community in Denmark (CCDK)
95. Chin Women Organization (Hakha), Burma/Myanmar
96. Cherry Foundation (Yangon), Burma/Myanmar
97. Equality Myanmar (EQMM), Burma/Myanmar
98. Future Light Center (FLC), Burma/Myanmar
99. Genuine People’s Servants (GPS), Burma/Myanmar
100. Generation Wave (GW), Burma/Myanmar
101. Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM), Burma/Myanmar
102. Human Rights Educators Network (HREN), Burma/Myanmar
103. Independent Chin Communities (ICC), Malaysia
104. Indigenous Peoples’ Partnership (IPP), Burma/Myanmar
105. Karen Women’s Organization (KWO), Burma/Myanmar
106. Karenni Human Rights Group (KnHRG), Burma/Myanmar
107. Karenni Legal and Human Rights Center (KnLHRC), Burma/Myanmar
108. Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG), Burma/Myanmar
109. Kachin Women’s Association Thailand (KWAT), Burma/Myanmar
110. Loka Ahlinn (Social Development Network), Burma/Myanmar
111. Khumi Affairs Coordination Council (KACC), Burma/Myanmar
112. Koung Jor Shan Refugee Camp (KJSRC), Burma/Myanmar
113. Metta Campaign – Mandalay, Burma/Myanmar
114. Myanmar Human Rights Alliance Network (MHRAN), Burma/Myanmar
115. Myanmar People Alliance (Shan State) (MPA-SS), Burma/Myanmar
116. Myanmar Cultural Research Society (MCRS), Burma/Myanmar
117. Peace & Development Center (Meikhtila), Burma/Myanmar
118. Progressive Voice (PV), Burma/Myanmar
119. Reliable Organization, Burma/Myanmar
120. Synergy (Social Harmony Organization), Burma/Myanmar
121. Ta’ang Women’s Organization (TWO), Burma/Myanmar
122. The Seagull:Human Rights, Peace & Development, Burma/Myanmar
123. Women Peace Network (WPN), Burma/Myanmar
124. Women’s League of Burma (WLB), Burma/Myanmar
125. White Marker Group, Burma/Myanmar
126. Yangon Youth Network (YYN), Burma/Myanmar
127. Youth Corner (YC Hakha), Burma/Myanmar
128. ရွှေခြံမြေကွန်ရက်၊ ကွမ်းခြံကုန်း ၊ ရန်ကုန်တိုင်းဒေသကြီး၊ Burma/Myanmar
129. လူအခွင့်အရေးကာကွယ်မြှင့်တင်ရေးကွန်ရက်၊ ချောက်မြို့နယ်၊ မကွေးတိုင်းဒေသကြီး၊ Burma/Myanmar
130. အလုပ်သမားအဖွဲ့ဖွဲ့စည်းပေါ်ပေါက်ရေးနှင့် အမျိုးသမီးအခွင့်အရေးအသိပညာပေးရေး ပဲခူးကွန်ရက်၊ ပဲခူးတိုင်းဒေသကြီး၊ Burma/Myanmar
131. တောင်သူလယ်သမားများနှင့် ရေလုပ်သားများ အကျိုးစီးပွားကာကွယ်စောင့်ရှောက်ရေး ကွန်ရက်၊ မြစ်ကျိုးတိုက်နယ်၊ ပဲခူးတိုင်းဒေသကြီး၊ Burma/Myanmar
132. ဥသျှစ်ပင် လူငယ်ကွန်ရက်၊ ဥသျှစ်ပင်မြို့နယ်၊ ပန်းတောင်းမြို့နယ်၊ ပဲခူးတိုင်းဒေသကြီး၊ Burma/Myanmar
133. တောင်သူလယ်သမားများဥပဒေအထောက်အကူပြု ကွန်ရက် (PLAN-A) ၊ မြောက်ဦးမြို့နယ်၊ ရခိုင်ပြည်နယ်၊ Burma/Myanmar
134. မွန်လူငယ်ကွန်ရက်၊ ရေးလမိုင်း၊ မွန်ပြည်နယ်၊ Burma/Myanmar
135. လူမူဖွံ့ဖြိုးရေးနှင့် ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးကွန်ရက်၊ ပေါင်မြို့နယ်၊ မွန်ပြည်နယ်၊ Burma/Myanmar
136. Ramkhye – ရမ်းခေး မြစ်ကြီးနား ကွန်ရက်၊ မြစ်ကြီးနား၊ ကချင်ပြည်နယ်၊ Burma/Myanmar
137. Justice Drum ကွန်ရက်၊ ရှမ်းပြည်နယ်တောင်ပိုင်း၊ Burma/Myanmar
138. ရပ်ရွာငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးနှင့်ဖွံ့ဖြိုးရေးရှေ့ဆောင်အဖွဲ့ (Area Peace and Development Forward) ကလေး မြို့နယ်၊ ကလေး ခရိုင်၊ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း၊ Burma/Myanma
139. ဒို့လယ်ယာ ကွန်ရက်၊ အင်္ဂပူမြို့နယ်၊ ဟင်္သာတခရိုင်၊ ဧရာဝတီတိုင်းဒေသကြီး၊ Burma/Myanmar
Individual:
140. Jim Gomez

The Burma Army Must Immediately Halt Fighting & Adhere to A Global Ceasefire in Response to COVID-19

[Statement] The Burma Army Must Immediately Halt Fighting & Adhere to A Global Ceasefire in Response to COVID-19

10 April 2020: The Network for Human Rights Documentation Burma (ND-Burma) is concerned that the Burma Army is using their response to COVID-19 to justify its authority and presence in conflict affected ethnic areas, where they are largely responsible for fuelling conflict and exacerbating tensions between ethnic armed organizations (EAOs). ND-Burma condemns any emergency relief effort that puts the needs of the military before the people of the country.

The Burma government has taken several steps including forming an emergency task force with military and civilian ministries to support measures around law enforcement and stability and to expand government efforts to respond to the pandemic. However, these efforts have been met with caution as it appears the Burma Army is only interested in preserving their power through any means possible.  The military has their own budget and facilities for health and care, which are inaccessible to the majority of the population. It has been made clear that the military is well prepared to protect themselves from COVID-19, though the same cannot be said for civilians.

As the pandemic quickly spreads across Burma, ND-Burma is particularly worried about cases in conflict affected areas of northern Shan and Rakhine States, where access to treatment, information and support is compromised by active fighting. According to Ta’ang community-based organizations, including ND-Burma members, the Ta’ang Women’s Organization and the Ta’ang Students and Youths Union, in March 2020 alone, there were 18 documented cases of arbitrary arrest, torture and forced portering in northern Shan. In Rakhine State, relief efforts are compromised as the world’s longest running government-imposed Internet shutdown continues. This only makes the situation more dangerous as civilians lack access to critical information about the precautions they should be taking amid COVID-19. Last month, ND-Burma member, All Arakan Students’ and Youths’ Congress, documented 51 cases of killing, torture/ inhuman degrading treatment, disappearance and arbitrary arrest and oppression of media in Arakan State and Paletwa township of Chin State. Despite the UN General-Secretary Antonio Guterres calling for a ‘global ceasefire,’ the Burma Army has rejected calls for ceasefires from the Brotherhood Alliance and the Chin National Front. Clashes remain active across Burma’s ethnic states indicating that COVID-19 has not changed the rules of combat.

Recently, the Burma Army soldiers and Commander in Chief, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing donated US $1.6 Million to be used in the prevention, control and treatment of COVID-19. While it was a move that demonstrated the financial invested needed to combat the virus, it should not have been necessary, had health infrastructure been adequately funded. The amount donated also shows the extortionate amount of money that the military receives – for salaries alone – in a country where 37% of the 51 million people live near or below the poverty line. There are many vulnerable groups in Burma who cannot access or afford basic health infrastructure. With many different ethnic languages spoken, the Burma government must make health awareness materials available that are translated and adapted for those who are not literate.

With the safety of at-risk populations has already been made evident by increases in domestic violence, food shortages, and inadequate community shelters for quarantine purposes, the government response has also been slow and ill-informed. Civil-society organizations are currently working overtime to fill the gaps and facilitate food, basins for hand washing and disinfection sprayers.

We have seen this type of behaviour from Burma’s military many times in the past. Their response to crises in the country has set an unfortunate precedent that the Burma Army has no moral compass – no sense of compassionate leadership that would otherwise see their efforts spent engaged in tactful response, rather than strategic warfare. The handling of the situation so far is subject to further critique by the military’s efforts to censor information by the media that they feel harms their reputation. In times of emergencies, the press should be allowed access to free, fair and protected spaces to do their jobs and raise the voices of local people who have been impacted.

ND-Burma members call for the Burma government and military to ensure no civilians are left behind in efforts to stop the spread of COVID-19. The Internet shutdown in Rakhine and Chin States must be lifted immediately and the Burma Army must agree to a nationwide ceasefire if they are truly sincere in their attempts to protect the people during the pandemic. Support must be given to humanitarian aid groups to facilitate aid safely and without fear, and every effort should be made to provide access to information on COVID-19. ND-Burma calls for the government and military to ensure all civilians have personal protective equipment including masks, hand sanitizer and access to hand washing basins and safe spaces for group and self-quarantine.

ND-Burma believes that true peace in Burma is possible if the Burma Army, EAOs and the government work together to overcome all obstacles, including COVID-19, especially when it comes to assisting populations who are highly vulnerable. This includes women, children, the elderly, and civilians forcibly displaced by conflict and those living in rural, difficult to access areas. The circumstances of COVID-19 have called on the world to become more compassionate to the needs of the poor and marginalized. Burma’s response is no exception and history will not judge the military or government kindly if they fail to act in line with basic human rights principles.

 

Media Contact

Thet Thet Aung, Future Light Center

Phone No: +95 9794932344

Lway Poe Jay, Ta’ang Students and Youth Union

Phone No: +95 9264162229

ND-Burma is a network that consists of 12-member organisations who represent a range of ethnic nationalities, women and former political prisoners. ND-Burma member organisations have been documenting human rights abuses and fighting for justice for victims since 2004. The network consists of nine Full Members and four Affiliate Members as follows:

Full Members:

  1. Assistance Association for Political Prisoners – Burma
  2. Human Rights Foundation of Monland
  3. Kachin Women’s Association – Thailand
  4. Ta’ang Women’s Organization
  5. Ta’ang Students and Youth Union
  6. Tavoyan Women’s Union
  7. Association Human Rights Defenders and Promoters
  8. All Arakan Students’ and Youths’ Congress
  9. Future Light Center

       Affiliate Members:

  1. Chin Human Rights Organization
  2. East Bago – Former Political Prisoners Network
  3. Pa-O Youth Organization
  4. Progressive Voice

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Statement of the Ta’ang Community Based Organizations on Serious Human Right Violations by the Burmese Military

Date – April, 8, 2020
1. While the coronavirus pandemic is overwhelming the world, the Burma Army is committing war crimes with impunity in Northern Shan State, Read more