AA threats spark concerns of forced recruitment targeting Chin villages in northern Rakhine State

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(Minbya Township, Rakhine State – 29 January 2021)
The Arakan Army (AA) has begun issuing demands for trainees in approximately 80 Chin populated villages in Minbya, Mrauk-U and Myebon Townships, Rakhine State. It is reported that the AA has demanded five people from each village to attend “administrative training” which are to be organized at a later date:
“Three men in civilian clothes who said that they were members of the AA arrived in our village on 3 January. The whole village was summoned to a meeting where we were informed that although we are Chin [the village population] we had to send five people to attend from each village as we live in Rakhine State. We were told that the people we send must be male and under 45 years old. We were also told that the village community would be required to pay the families of those individuals that attended the training the sum of 400,000 MMK (approx. 300 USD) while they were away. Because five people from a village are to attend the training, we will need to collect 20 lakhs [2 million MMK] (approx. 1500 USD) from each village. They did not say when the training would start but told us to be ready,” said a source from Minbya Township who requested anonymity.
Community members interviewed by CHRO raised concerns that given the level of poverty in the rural areas, the village populations would struggle to pay the costs, “in our village, there are a total of 113 houses which includes households run by widows and widowers. If 20 lakhs is to be collected, we will have to pay around 20,000 kyats per household, two-thirds of the people in our village have financial difficulties,” said another local from Minbya.
According to other sources, Minbya, where 30 villages have allegedly been approached, is not the only township where such demands have been initiated by the AA, a further 50 Chin villages in Myebon and Mrauk-U Townships have also been targetted:
“The Chin people in Rakhine State have been subjected to various forms of racial oppression and discrimination by the AA and their supporters. The AA has also threatened that any family members who share information about anyone killed from the AA’s ill-treatment, torture or brutality inflicted upon them will be killed as a punishment.”
For media inquiries please contact:
Salai Lian, +95 (0) 9450 687 296 (English/Burmese)
Salai Terah, 09255934177 (Burmese)

Peace is broken in the Karen hills. How will donors respond?

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The Tatmadaw has resumed its old ways, killing civilians and destroying villages, despite the early promise of peace initiatives backed by Norway and other Western countries.

By CHARLES PETRIE and ASHLEY SOUTH | FRONTIER

Since at least 2018, the Tatmadaw has been aggressively patrolling northern Karen (Kayin) State and eastern Bago Region, in areas long under the control of the Karen National Union – and the Karen National Liberation Army’s brigades 3 and 5 in particular. The ostensible reason for these manoeuvres has been to support road-building initiatives. But both villagers and the KNU have repeatedly protested the Tatmadaw’s encroachment and expansion in the region.

In recent weeks, locals have spontaneously mobilised to demonstrate against increased militarisation, and to demand the withdrawal of Tatmadaw troops they regard as an alien, predatory and violent occupying force. The Tatmadaw calls the road-building necessary for the area’s development, but the KNU calls it is a clear violation of Article 5 of the National Ceasefire Agreement that both sides signed in 2015, and which calls on all signatories to halt aggressive troop movements and the reinforcement of military bases. Furthermore, there are no government civilian structures in these Karen hills, with health, education and other (under-funded) services provided by the KNU and partner civil society organisations. The Tatmadaw is not bringing development to these areas, but rather displacing existing community development activities.

The failure of the Joint Monitoring Committee to deal with these tensions was a key reason behind the KNU’s withdrawal from JMC meetings at the end of 2018, when it said the body needed restructuring. In 2019 the KNU pushed for the establishment of direct, bilateral, military-to-military meetings to try to effectively implement the ceasefire. When bilateral meetings began again early last year, the situation in the KNU ceasefire area was raised but never resolved and the Tatmadaw resisted KNU pressure to restructure the JMC. Then COVID-19 put the bilateral meetings on hold. The KNU and the Tatmadaw have since begun considering a proposal for an independent conflict resolution mechanism.

The most recent Tatmadaw offensive began in late December and displaced at least 3,900  villagers, including some 700 residents of Keh Der village tract in Bago Region’s Kyaukkyi Township, who were forced from their homes on January 13.

Sources with the Free Burma Rangers, a multi-ethnic humanitarian group, said this level of aggression from the Myanmar army had been “very unusual” since it signed a bilateral ceasefire with the KNU in January 2012,  “but would have been normal for cool and dry season attacks before 2012”.

The latest offensive and the forced displacement of civilians is particularly and bitterly ironic given that Keh Der – which falls within KNU-demarcated Ler Doh Township, in the armed group’s Brigade 3 area – was the centre of a Norwegian-supported pilot project to support the bilateral ceasefire. The project was launched with great fanfare by the Norwegian government the following April.

The Kyaukkyi pilot project, as it was called, was jointly designed by community representatives, KNU headquarters and district officials, and the Committee for Internally Displaced Karen People – the KNU’s humanitarian and community development body. While the project aimed to provide relief for internally displaced Karen, many of whom were keen to return to their home villages, its main objective was to test the peace process and to build confidence in the ceasefire among civilians who had suffered greatly through decades of armed conflict. Stakeholders believed that its successful implementation would prove that the emerging peace process constituted meaningful progress, rather than simply a lull in fighting.

With high-level diplomatic and financial backing from the Norwegian government, the Kyaukkyi pilot project was implemented by the Myanmar Peace Support Initiative, led by the authors of this article. The MPSI had been established in March 2012 following a request from the Myanmar government for Norway to lead international assistance to the peace process, which President U Thein Sein had launched late the previous year.

One of the most symbolically important episodes in the MPSI experience for us was when government and Tatmadaw officials from Nay Pyi Daw and Kyaukkyi accompanied us to the “front line” at Mu The, a four or five hour, bumpy motorbike ride up into the hills to the east. At Mu The we were handed over to KNU troops who led us on a trek through minefields into KNU-controlled areas, where we spent two days talking to villagers and local KNU officials about their experiences and their hopes for the ceasefire.

At a meeting arranged by MPSI at Kyaukkyi on September 5, 2012, Keh Der villagers told the Bago Region security and border affairs minister  that they felt intimidated by Tatmadaw troops questioning them when they had to travel through territory under its control. The minister was initially defensive but, after listening to the displaced villagers, ordered the Tatmadaw colonel at the meeting to ensure the questioning was reduced.

At a previous meeting in July, a brave Karen IDP village leader asked a minister in the Bago Region government, “Can you guarantee that you will not burn down our villages again in the future?”

The minister promised that the Tatmadaw would not burn Karen villages again, while also acknowledging that his promise was difficult for them to believe. He said his presence at the meeting was a symbol of the military-backed government’s willingness to make peace and that with time they would all build trust in each other.

Such positive encounters continued separately from the MPSI project, as demonstrated by the joint celebration of the Karen New Year at Kyaukkyi on January 12, 2013. This unprecedented event was attended by high-level representatives of the Union government, the KNU and the community, and would have been unthinkable the year prior. Many IDPs travelled from the pilot project site at Keh Der to Kyaukkyi for the first time since 1975. Emotional scenes unfolded as families re-united. Participants said that, though they were frightened of the Tatmadaw, the interactions they had with soldiers as a result of the pilot project gave them the confidence they needed to attend an event in a government-controlled area.

Eight years later, the Karen have celebrated their New Year again, and the longer-term results of this test of the peace process seem increasingly conclusive: the Tatmadaw has no interest in keeping the peace, let alone addressing the root causes of conflict. Rather, the Tatmadaw seems intent on continuing its brutalisation of local communities, pushing unwanted roads into ethnic areas that make it easier for it to consolidate its positions and re-supply its frontline troops.

The perception in the Karen hills – at least in areas under KNLA Brigades 3 and 5 – is that the Tatmadaw is not interested in respecting ceasefires and has no qualms about violating the NCA. Trust has all but disappeared, with most residents assuming the ceasefire has failed. After years of patience, the KNLA has begun to push back and launch attacks on the intruders.

The Norwegian government played a key role in supporting the early stages of the peace process, and in encouraging the KNU and other ethnic armed groups to take the Thein Sein government’s peace overtures seriously. Following a change in government in Oslo, in September 2013, and once it became clear that the National League for Democracy would win the 2015 general election, Norway did not seem to be as committed to supporting the peace process with the appetite for risk that the process demanded. Instead, Norwegian foreign ministry officials seemed to prioritise business and economic growth as the drivers of a sustainable peace.

It is yet to be seen whether international supporters of the peace process will respond to the Tatmadaw’s violations of the NCA. In the meantime, thousands of Karen civilians have marked a cold and fearful New Year.

Charles Petrie and Ashely South served as senior advisers to the Myanmar Peace Support Initiative from 2012 to 2014. Mr Petrie also served as Resident UN Coordinator in Myanmar from 2003 until the end of 2007, shortly after the Saffron Revolution.

frontiermyanmar.net

Myanmar Must Urgently Address the Further Backsliding of Human Rights Situation through the Universal Periodic Review

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[25 January 2021]Today, as Myanmar’s human rights record was examined by the UN Human Rights Council, civil society organizations (CSOs) in Myanmar who made submissions to the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) on the situation of protracted displacement, hate speech, 1982 citizenship law and freedom of movement, and reform of the Myanmar National Human Rights Commission (MNHRC) urge the Myanmar government to uphold its human rights obligations and commit to urgently address the further deteriorating human rights situation throughout the country.

“The UPR review is an opportunity for the Myanmar government, which just gained for the second time a significant parliamentary majority and the mandate by its people, to demonstrate its commitment to rights-based reforms that protects and promotes all people in Myanmar,” said Nang Zun Moe of Progressive Voice. “The government must stop turning its back on human rights for another five years and allowing the country to continue to backslide.”

Myanmar’s human rights record was reviewed by the UN Human Rights Council’s Universal Periodic Review (UPR) during the 37th Session of the Working Group on 25 January 2021. This is the third time Myanmar has been reviewed, with the first and second reviews taking place in 2011 and 2015 respectively.

While the Myanmar government’s 19-page national report outlines actions which the government has taken to implement the recommendations it committed to, it overlooks rampant grave human rights violations taking place across the country, that have been raised by the UN and CSOs.

In the area of ceasefire and national reconciliation, the government outlines a series of actions, including the signing of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) and establishment of a Joint Ceasefire Monitoring Committee. However, conflict has raged on in Kachin, Rakhine and Shan States and most recently tension and conflict has intensified in Karen State where almost 4,000 people have been displaced at the start of the year with civilian deaths and casualties, including children. UN has verified 994 grave violations against children between September 2018 and June 2020, mostly in Rakhine State, with the killing and maiming of 320 children, including infants. This is despite the government’s claims that cooperation with the UN Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict, “has reached an unprecedented level.”

“The consequences of Myanmar government’s silence and willingness to turn a blind eye to the ongoing conflict in ethnic regions and the plight of the IDPs and refugees is shouldered by the ethnic people who for generation have had to grow up hiding in jungles and watch their children and families being killed,”said Moon Nay Li of Kachin Women’s Association – Thailand. “The government has to take immediate and concrete actions and urgently put an end to this devastating civil war.”

172 CSOs expressed grave concerns regarding the Myanmar military’s recent actions that contravene the NCA, including expanding deployment into Karen ethnic areas held by the Ethnic Armed Organization, the Karen National Union, which has resulted in an outbreak of conflict in Karen State. The groups urged the Myanmar government to immediately take action to resolve the tensions and conflicts and pursue political solutions to the ongoing civil war.

While the national report claims the MNHRC has been established in line with the Paris Principles, the UN and CSOs, including the CSO Working Group on MNHRC Reform, continue to note its lack of independence, and ineffectiveness in dealing with allegations of human rights violations, particularly in situations of armed conflict.

“Victims and survivors still have no domestic human rights body it can turn to address grave human rights violations, particularly when it involves the Myanmar military and this lies squarely with the government’s inaction to amend the MNHRC Enabling law and reform the MNHRC” said Bo Bo of Generation Wave. “The government must bring the MNHRC in line with international standards to enable the body to function independently and impartially with the mandate for protection, otherwise perpetrators of human rights violations will continue to act with total impunity.”

Furthermore, the government in their national report claims that “Complaints on any violations of human rights by military personnel may be dispatched in person or in writing to the commander concerned without restrictions”, or to the President, Parliamentary Committees, MNHRC and the media. Despite these claims those who choose to raise such human rights concerns are in turn targeted with defamation and charged using Myanmar’s myriad of restrictive laws. On the other hand, the government have been ignoring the movement and activities by extremist Buddhist nationalists inciting hatred and violence against ethnic and religious minorities, in particular the Rohingya and other Muslim minorities.

“The culture of hate speech and targeting of minorities is a reflection of Myanmar’s overall culture of exclusion and systemic discrimination,” said Ye Hein Aung of Myanmar Cultural Research Society. “Hate speech is institutionalized, systematically disseminated and promoted by those in power, including the government and the military. It is high time that government makes a strong commitment to address root causes of hate speech.”

Reinforcing such exclusion of minorities are discriminatory laws, such as 1982 Citizenship Law, which contravenes the prohibition of arbitrary deprivation of nationality, heightening the vulnerability and persecution of Rohingya and other minorities to range of human rights violations, including the right to freedom of movement. Yet the government has continuously refused to agree to recommendations that strike at the heart of addressing this issue during its previous reviews, and has continued to blatantly contravene its international obligations, including the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), and the optional protocol on the CRC, which Myanmar has ratified.

 

For more information, please contact:

–      Nang Zun Moe, Progressive Voice (PV), +66 (0) 956382063, zunmoe@progressive-voice.org

–      Moon Nay Li, Kachin Women’s Association Thailand (KWAT), +66 (0)855233791, moonnayli@gmail.com

–      Bo Bo, Generation Wave (GW), +95 (0)9421087992, bobo@generationwave.org

–      Ye Hein Aung, Myanmar Culture Research Society (MCRS), +95 (0)9975106743, alexphothagyan@gmail.com

 

Editor’s note:

The Open letter from 172 civil society organizations concerning the current tensions and conflicts in Karen State can be found here: https://bit.ly/39700cr

The below joint submissions were made to the 37th session of the Universal Periodic Review;

A joint submission on the situation of refugees and internally displaced persons was made by 14 ethnic community-based organizations (CBOs) and CSOs that work closely with displaced ethnic communities, including refugee committees along the Thailand-Burma/Myanmar border, youth and women’s organizations, as well as local development and humanitarian organizations.

See the submission: https://bit.ly/3sKZXe0; Factsheet:https://bit.ly/33Jo4hv

A joint submission on hate speech and shrinking democratic and civil society space was made by 16 CSOs that work on the issue of hate speech and/or are directly impacted by it.

See the submission: https://bit.ly/2LUVg0v; Factsheet: https://bit.ly/33K0cKz

A joint submission on MNHRC was made by the CSO Working Group on MNHRC Reform. The MNHRC Working Group consists of 22 diverse Myanmar CSOs that works to advocate for the reform of the MNHRC so it is an effective, independent, and transparent NHRI that promotes and protects the rights of all people of Myanmar in line with the Paris Principles – the international standards for NHRIs.

See the submission: https://bit.ly/2XZozlc; Factsheet: https://bit.ly/2MgSrXy

A joint submission on the 1982 citizenship law and right to citizenship of minorities and freedom of movement was submitted by 11 CSO that work on the issue of Human Rights and Citizenship Rights.

See the submission: https://bit.ly/2NuJRVX, Factsheet: https://bit.ly/32P1pRP

Burma Army persecution of civilians continues in Kawng Kha, six years after the rape-murder of two Kachin teachers

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Burma Army persecution of civilians continues in Kawng Kha, six years after the rape-murder of two Kachin teachers

On the six-year anniversary of the rape-murder of two Kachin teachers in Kawng Kha village, Muse District, KWAT reiterates our calls for justice and an end to ongoing Burma Army aggression and persecution of civilians in northern Burma.

Early in the morning of January 20, 2015, the bodies of the two volunteer teachers were found in their house in Kawng Kha, with marks of brutal torture and rape. All evidence pointed to Burma Army troops of LIB 503 who had arrived in the village the night before, but military authorities blocked all attempts to seek justice and instead tried to scapegoat two local youth. Commander in Chief Min Aung Hlaing himself threatened to prosecute anyone alleging military involvement in the incident – exercising his ultimate power under Burma’s 2008 Constitution.

The perpetrators of this heinous crime therefore remain free to this day, and the Burma Army continues to enjoy its license to rape, torture and kill with impunity.

Six years on, the nightmare of military repression also continues in Kawng Kha. The village lies in an active conflict zone, where the Burma Army has deployed thousands of elite combat troops to try and annihilate the Kachin Independence Army and other ethnic resistance forces in northern Shan State. Twice last month, the Burma Army fired barrages of long-range artillery shells into the area from their hilltop base near the 105-mile trade zone, east of Muse.

Burma Army troops of Infantry Divisions 88 and 99 constantly patrol through the area, camping in local villages and extorting food. They frequently pass through Kawng Kha, camping in villagers’ houses, exactly as on that fateful night in 2015, rekindling terror among local residents. ID 99 is notorious for torturing and killing civilians in northern Burma, as well as for mass rape and slaughter of Rohingya women and girls in 2017.

The two Kawng Kha youth falsely scapegoated for the rape-murders no longer dare live in their village, due to fear of further torture and harassment. They and their families thus continue to suffer for a crime they did not commit.

Exactly five years ago, KWAT appealed to the newly elected NLD government to bring the perpetrators of the Kawng Kha rape-murders to justice and to end military impunity for sexual violence. Not only did the government ignore our appeals, but State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi chose to publicly side with the Burma Army in denying allegations of military rape.

“I trusted the government to do something about this (case) but there was no action from them. It makes me feel so upset,” said a close relative of one of the murdered teachers.

Governments all over the world have pledged commitment to ending sexual violence in armed conflict. Yet, these same governments are now pumping billions of dollars of investment and aid into Burma, ignoring the suffering of women in ethnic conflict areas who live in daily fear of rape by government troops.

International pressure is urgently needed to end military impunity for rape in Burma. We call for an immediate end to “business as usual” and the imposition of broad economic sanctions to pressure the Burmese government to stop protecting military rapists, and to end Burma Army offensives throughout the country and withdraw troops so that inclusive political negotiations towards a new federal constitution can begin.

For More Information:

Moon Nay Li (+66 855 233 791)

San Htoi (+95 995 9880 580)

kwat.office@gmail.com

www.kachinwomen.com

A villager killed and two houses burnt due to artillery shelling

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January 8, 2021
Ta’ang Women’s Organization
Large artillery shells from the fighting between Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS/SSA), fell in Nyaung Sui and Mai Hon villages in Namtu Township on 5 January, burning down two houses. A villager was killed on the spot due to a gunshot wound.
Tensions between the two armies have been rising since the end of December and 268 local villagers from Nyaung Sui, Mai Hon and Luk Lay villages have fled to Mangyan Monastery in Man Hon in Mangyan village tract.
Abbot from Nyaung Sui village monastery said, “Fighting started since 7 in the moring. Palaung (Ta’ang) soldiers were in the village. Shan army shot from Mai Hon and an artillery shell hit a house. Cars from Mansan war refugee association arrived after the fighting to pick up the villagers.”
A 50 years old man, Ta Aik Ngo who was watching the fighting in front of his house, was killed on the spot by a stray bullet. The abbot said the body of him was left in the village and until the time of reporting the body has not been burnt and burried.
The owner of the burnt house said, “Currently we are staying at the monastery. House of grandma was wholly burnt. We didn’t get anything except a blanket. Now, we lost everything and we don’t know what to do for future.”
Furthermore, 612 locals from Hway Hon, Mai Hon and Narmat villages had fled to Narsai village. The fighting between two armies continues.
Photo-We Zay Ya

Justice Newsletter (December 2020)

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Summary Overview

This month the National League for Democracy (NLD) formed a committee to hold talks with ethnic political parties in an effort to ‘coordinate and try to achieve common ground.’  However, ethnic parties say they have reason to approach the invitation with caution.  The Shan Nationalities League for Democracy Vice chair Sai Nyunt Lwin said the letter required no response, telling Frontier Myanmar, “The letter just says the NLD hopes to work with ethnic parties. It offered no invitation for anything.” The newly formed committee is planning to start talks with ethnic parties quickly. However, while the invitation suggests promise for an improved working relationship, expectations of ethnic parties are wary given the NLD’s past working relationship. Trust must be a foundation in the starting ground.

Those who fled conflict in Rakhine started to head home as the Burma Army and Arakan Army (AA) engaged in indirect talks following a three week lull in fighting since the 2020 general election. The internal conflict between the two groups has killed over 300 civilians and displaced nearly 230 000. Burma’s president, Win Myint called for cooperation among all stakeholders in Rakhine on the 46th Rakhine State Day. The two sides are currently observing an unofficial ceasefire. However, there has been backlash suggesting the military should involve the government in pursuing peace with other armed groups. “It would have been preferable if the military had included relevant government organisations or the peace commission,” said NLD spokesperson, Monywa Aung Shin.

The Burma Army and AA met in person for talks in the Wa capital of Pangsang. Focal points of discussion according to the AA’s spokesperson were making the by-election possible, the peace process and ensuring a ceasefire between both sides. Ethnic armed organisations who have not signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement met with the government and Burma Army to discuss plans to resume peace negotiations, which have been delayed due to COVID-19.

Meanwhile, Rakhine civil society organizations are calling for the ‘swift implementation of the request made by the President U Win Myint for holding the elections in Arakan State.’ Over 1 million citizens lost their rights to vote in the 2020 general election. There have been claims that the mass voter disenfranchisement was intentional as the NLD claims that legal obstacles stand in the way of holding elections. Rakhine women who were elected into office are being encouraged to focus on IDPs and women’s issues in upcoming legislative sessions. The course of intense civil war has been felt by thousands of innocent civilians. Nearly 20 000 are still living in IDP camps and displacement sites, according to the Rakhine Ethnics Congress and over 60% of IDPS are women who are in need of health services and accommodation.

Rakhine

Calls for Release of Civilians Ignored by Burma Army | 11 December 2020

After filing a missing person’s report of civilians kidnapped by the Burma Army, family members were turned away in their second attempt calling for their release and accountability. The military has denied holding the group of 18 who went missing between 13 and 16 March 2020. The Myanmar National Human Rights Commission (MNHRC) said that it will not investigate the case of the missing villagers. The request was declined because according to MNHRC, the military’s denials of the alleged detainment are true. A lawmaker from Kyauktaw township says the decision by the MNHRC has left civilians at a ‘dead-end’.

Two Years of Conflict Taking Toll on Children in Rakhine | 16 December 2020

Civil society organisations have condemned violence against children in conflict torn Rakhine where fighting has had serious impacts on young people – including psychological trauma, physical injury and death from crossfire and landmines. Between January and September, 56 children were severely injured, and 13 children died from explosions of landmines and unexploded ordnance (UXO) in Myanmar, according to UNICEF.

Civilian Casualties Taking Place Lawlessly, says CSO | 24 December 2020

In a new report, Generation Wave says twenty-one people were killed ‘lawlessly’ from 16 June to 15 September. The report also noted 124 people who have been unlawfully detained over the 90-day period, including 23 members from various student unions who protested against state-sponsored human rights violations and conflict. Eight are human rights activists, two politicians, and one journalist.

Landmine Victims Demand Government Assistance | 24 December 2020

Those who have had their lives altered as a result of landmine injuries are calling on the Burmese government to provide assistance in helping to rebuild their futures. According to the Rakhine Ethnics Congress, explosions from landmines and other devices have killed at least 33 people and injured 73 in two years.

Myanmar Army, Arakan Army Working to Prevent Clashes in Rakhine | 30 December 2020

Talks with the Arakan Army and the Burma Army are continuing with the two sides agreeing to an ‘unofficial ceasefire’ that expires early January. The Burma Army has said they are not sending in reinforcements and hope IDPs can return home safely. The future of civilian security is dependent on their negotiations.

Chin

Chin Youth Detained by the Arakan Army Release | 16 December 2020

Following numerous calls by the family of a Chin youth detained by the Arakan Army for over 4 months, Salai Aung Soe was released after 138 days in their custody. The Khumi Affairs Coordination Committee says since 2015, the Arakan Army has detained 105 civilians. There are still 22 being held. Affiliate member, the Chin Human Rights Organization, continues to call for the release of all Chin people detained.

Chin IDPs In Need of Support

Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in Chin State who have been displaced by clashes between the Arakan Army and the Burma Army are facing severe food shortages. Relief groups estimate there are 4,300 IDPs from over 40 villages and 600 are staying in two camps in the town of Ann.

Shan

Woman Raped in COVID-19 Quarantine | 2 December 2020

A young woman was raped in a COVID-19 quarantine centre in Southern Shan State in the women’s dormitory where she was assaulted at knifepoint. The incident called on the authorities to seriously consider the safety of women in quarantine.

Villagers Forcibly Displaced by Fighting Between Armed Groups | 10 December 2020

Villagers in northern Shan experienced heavy fighting, which forced them to flee as clashes between the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) and members of the Northern Alliance escalated. Sounds of gunfire saw many forcibly displaced as a result of the growing hostilities.

Over 7000 Displaced in Northern Shan Since beginning of 2020 | 14 December 2020

According to UNOCHA, around 300 civilians were forced to flee due to recent armed clashes in Namtu Township. Some have returned, while others are taking refuge in monasteries and host communities. There are 7,300 people who have been temporarily displaced in northern Shan since the start of 2020.

Military Tensions Escalate in Namtu and Kyaukme in northern Shan State between the TNLA and RCSS (Ta’ang Students and Youths Union)

More fighting between the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) occurred in Hsipaw Township on December 30. The fighting between the RCSS and the TNLA broke out ten times in December 2020. During one such outbreak on December 29, one civilian was killed and another one was injured in an artillery strike. Over 2,000 residents were forced from their homes to take shelter in urban Kyaukme and Namtu Townships in northern Shan State.

Missing Teacher Not Allowed to See Family Members (Ta’ang Students and Youths Union)

Daw Than Than Myo, a schoolteacher in Manna Village, Mogok Township, Mandalay Region, was arrested by the military on December 28, 2020 and has not been allowed to see her family members. Mai Wunna, interim secretary of Ta’ang Literature and Culture in Mogok Township, said the military has not said anything about the arrest of the teacher. The family still has had no contact with a teacher who was detained by the military.

Karen State

Renewed Clashes in Karen State Lead to Increased Military Presence | 31 December 2020

The Burma Army has increased their presence in Karen areas, resulting in a series of armed clashes that has forced over 3000 villagers to flee their homes. The ‘backsliding’ on the peace process by the government is hurting civilians, said the Karen Youth Network. As a result of decades of fighting particularly in Karen State, over 100 000 have sought refuge in camps along the Thai-Burma border.

Freedom of Expression

Burma Army Admits to Detaining Military Medic for Criticising Dictators | 8 December 2020

A second year student at the Defense Services Medical Academy is being charged under the Defence Services Act for making critical comments about the military on Facebook. His family has had no contact with him since late August 2020.

Voter Arrested for Claiming Pressure from Military in Vote Choice | 9 December 2020

The 25 year old daughter of an army officer, Thinzar Than Min said she faced pressure and threats if her family did not vote for the military backed Union Solidarity and Development Party in Burma’s 2020 general elections, and was subsequently charged to nine months of hard labor for violating article 505(a) of the penal code for causing members of the military “to mutiny or otherwise disregard or fail” in their duties. The ruling was met with outcry from groups like Human Rights Watch who cited laws used to ‘prosecute and silence critics of the Myanmar authorities’ including Section 66(d) of the Telecommunications Law. ND-Burma member, the Assistance Association or Political Prisoners (AAPP) said they added Thinzar Than Min to their list of political prisoners because ‘she was exercising her right to free speech to expose the military’s wrongdoing.’

 Rights Groups Call for Reforms to Defamation Laws | December 11 2020

Over 50 civil society organizations in Burma called for the reform of six defamation laws used by the government and the military to suppress freedom of expression. The statement was also endorsed by news media, lawyers and judges.

Activists Urge Reform to Defamation Laws | 14 December 2020

Freedom of speech and protected spaces are shrinking at an alarming rate. Research by civil society organization, Athan, found 539 criminal suits had been filed against more than 1,000 individuals for public criticism in the first 4 years of the NLD’s term in office.

Youths Shared for Human Rights Day Activities | 22 December 2020

Three youths who participated in a campaign on Sittwe to mark International Human Rights Day were charged under Section 19(a) of the Peaceful Assembly Law. Over 30 people joined the event and widely condemned the systematic use of violence against civilians. Under the law they have been charged with, they must pay a fine not exceeding 30,000 Myanmar Kyats and/or a fine of up to three months in prison. Despite reforms to the law by the NLD, there has been criticism that these changes still criminalize peaceful expression and protest.

Member Update

On International Human Rights Day, ND-Burma called on the Burmese government to protect all people in the country, and for everyone’s rights to be respected and upheld, so that meaningful steps can be made towards achieving peace.

Ting Oo, of the All Arakan Students’ and Youths Congress addressed the  Kaladan transport project, stating the voices of local people in the affected area have not been taken into account, with a focus instead on completion of the project.

The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners reported an increase in the number of political prisoners in Burma by six individuals this past month, beginning next parliamentary term.

The Kachin Women’s Association Thailand moderated a Human Rights Day Panel on accountability in the face of rising authoritarianism, militarism, human rights violations and internal displacement.

Future Light Center released a report called,  ‘The life struggle of labourers during the COVID-19 pandemic.’

The Chin Human Rights Foundation released their annual report on ‘The situation of Human Rights in Chin State and Western Burma/Myanmar.’ CHRO also spoke on a panel of religion and beliefs in Burma as part of a pre-session on the UPR at the UN Human Rights Council.

CHRO also reported that the Burma Army extorted money from villagers in Thantlang Township.

On International Human Rights Day, ND-Burma member, the Ta’ang Students and Youths Union (TSYU), distributed posters on the history and principles of Article 30 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights to youth groups in 13 townships and Ta’ang civil society organizations in Lashio city. TSYU also posted a video interview of youth and relevant organizations regarding human rights abuses being addressed in Shan State on Facebook. Please see more here:

https://www.facebook.com/451214215694715/posts/870100853806047/

https://www.facebook.com/451214215694715/posts/869490953867037/

https://www.facebook.com/451214215694715/posts/874011780081621/

https://www.facebook.com/451214215694715/posts/873298390152960/

https://www.facebook.com/451214215694715/posts/872749110207888/

ND-Burma is a network that consists of 13-member organisations who represent a range of ethnic nationalities, women and former political prisoners. ND-Burma member organisations have been documenting human rights abuses and fighting for justice for victims since 2004. The network consists of nine Full Members and four Affiliate Members as follows:

Full Members:

  1. All Arakan Students’ and Youths’ Congress 
    2.     Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
    3.     Association Human Rights Defenders and Promoters 
    4.     Future Light Center 
    5.     Human Rights Foundation of Monland
    6.     Kachin Women’s Association – Thailand
    7.     Ta’ang Women’s Organization
    8.     Ta’ang Students and Youth Union
    9.     Tavoyan Women’s Union 

 Affiliate Members:

  1. Chin Human Rights Organization
    2.     East Bago – Former Political Prisoners Network
    3.     Pa-O Youth Organization
    4.     Progressive Voice